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I have mentioned to you that there were a few old French slaves
there。 They numbered； I think； one or two hundred。 Besides that；
there had been a Territorial law for indenturing black persons。
Under that law； in violation of the Ordinance of '87； but without any
enforcement of the Ordinance to overthrow the system； there had been
a small number of slaves introduced as indentured persons。 Owing to
this； the clause for the prohibition of slavery was slightly
modified。 Instead of running like yours； that neither slavery nor
involuntary servitude； except for crime； of which the party shall
have been duly convicted； should exist in the State； they said that
neither slavery nor involuntary servitude should thereafter be
introduced； and that the children of indentured servants should be
born free； and nothing was said about the few old French slaves。 Out
of this fact； that the clause for prohibiting slavery was modified
because of the actual presence of it； Douglas asserts again and again
that Illinois came into the Union as a slave State。 How far the
facts sustain the conclusion that he draws； it is for intelligent and
impartial men to decide。 I leave it with you； with these remarks；
worthy of being remembered； that that little thing； those few
indentured servants being there； was of itself sufficient to modify a
constitution made by a people ardently desiring to have a free
constitution； showing the power of the actual presence of the
institution of slavery to prevent any people； however anxious to make
a free State； from making it perfectly so。
I have been detaining you longer； perhaps； than I ought to do。
I am in some doubt whether to introduce another topic upon which I
could talk a while。 ＇Cries of 〃Go on；〃 and 〃Give us it。〃＇ It is this；
then： Douglas's Popular sovereignty； as a principle； is simply this：
If one man chooses to make a slave of another man； neither that man
nor anybody else has a right to object。 Apply it to government； as
he seeks to apply it； and it is this： If； in a new Territory into
which a few people are beginning to enter for the purpose of making
their homes； they choose to either exclude slavery from their limits；
or to establish it there； however one or the other may affect the
persons to be enslaved； or the infinitely greater number of persons
who are afterward to inhabit that Territory； or the other members of
the family of communities of which they are but an incipient member；
or the general head of the family of States as parent of all； however
their action may affect one or the other of these； there is no power
or right to interfere。 That is Douglas's popular sovereignty
applied。 Now； I think that there is a real popular sovereignty in
the world。 I think the definition of popular sovereignty； in the
abstract； would be about this： that each man shall do precisely as he
pleases with himself； and with all those things which exclusively
concern him。 Applied in government； this principle would be that a
general government shall do all those things which pertain to it； and
all the local governments shall do precisely as they please in
respect to those matters which exclusively concern them。
Douglas looks upon slavery as so insignificant that the people must
decide that question for themselves； and yet they are not fit to
decide who shall be their governor； judge； or secretary； or who shall
be any of their officers。 These are vast national matters in his
estimation； but the little matter in his estimation is that of
planting slavery there。 That is purely of local interest； which
nobody should be allowed to say a word about。
Labor is the great source from which nearly all； if not all； human
comforts and necessities are drawn。 There is a difference in opinion
about the elements of labor in society。 Some men assume that there
is necessary connection between capital and labor； and that
connection draws within it the whole of the labor of the community。
They assume that nobody works unless capital excites them to work。
They begin next to consider what is the best way。 They say there are
but two ways： one is to hire men； and to allure them to labor by
their consent； the other is to buy the men； and drive them； to it；
and that is slavery。 Having assumed that； they proceed to discuss
the question of whether the laborers themselves are better off in the
condition of slaves or of hired laborers； and they usually decide
that they are better off in the condition of slaves。
In the first place； I say that the whole thing is a mistake。 That
there is a certain relation between capital and labor； I admit。 That
it does exist； and rightfully exists； I think is true。 That men who
are industrious； and sober； and honest in the pursuit of their own
interests should after a while accumulate capital； and after that
should be allowed to enjoy it in peace； and also； if they should
choose； when they have accumulated it； to use it to save themselves
from actual labor； and hire other people to labor for them； is right。
In doing so they do not wrong the man they employ； for they find men
who have not of their own land to work upon； or shops to work in； and
who are benefited by working for others； hired laborers； receiving
their capital for it。 Thus a few men； that own capital； hire a few
others； and these establish the relation of capital and labor
rightfully； a relation of which I make no complaint。 But I insist
that that relation； after all； does not embrace more than one eighth
of the labor of the country。
＇The speaker proceeded to argue that the hired laborer； with his
ability to become an employer； must have every precedence over him
who labors under the inducement of force。 He continued：＇
I have taken upon myself in the name of some of you to say that we
expect upon these principles to ultimately beat them。 In order to do
so； I think we want and must have a national policy in regard to the
institution of slavery that acknowledges and deals with that
institution as being wrong。 Whoever desires the prevention of the
spread of slavery and the nationalization of that institution yields
all when he yields to any policy that either recognizes slavery as
being right or as being an indifferent thing。 Nothing will make you
successful but setting up a policy which shall treat the thing as
being wrong： When I say this； I do not mean to say that this General
Government is charged with the duty of redressing or preventing all
the wrongs in the world； but I do think that it is charged with
preventing and redressing all wrongs which are wrongs to itself。
This Government is expressly charged with the duty of providing for
the general welfare。 We believe that the spreading out and
perpetuity of the institution of slavery impairs the general welfare。
We believenay； we knowthat that is the only thing that has ever
threatened the perpetuity of the Union itself。 The only thing which
has ever menaced the destruction of the government under which we
live is this very thing。 To repress this thing； we think； is；
Providing for the general welfare。 Our friends in Kentucky differ
from us。 We need not make our argument for them； but we who think it
is wrong in all its relations； or in some of them at least； must
decide as to our own actions and our own course； upon our own
judgment。
I say that we must not interfere with the institution of slavery in
the States where it exists； because the Constitution forbids it； and
the general welfare does not require us to do so。 We must not
withhold an efficient Fugitive Slave law； because the Constitution
requires us； as I understand it； not to withhold such a law。 But we
must prevent the outspreading of the institution； because neither the
Constitution nor general welfare requires us to extend it。 We must
prevent the revival of the African slave trade； and the enacting by
Congress of a Territorial slave code。 We must prevent each of these
things being done by either Congresses or courts。 The people of
these United States are the rightful masters of both Congresses and
courts； not to overthrow the Constitution； but to overthrow the men
who pervert the Constitution。
To do these things we must employ instrumentalities。 We must hold
conventions； we must adopt platforms； if we conform to ordinary
custom； we must nominate candidates； and we must carry elections。 In
all these things； I think that we ought to keep in view our real
purpose； and in none do anything that stands adverse to our purpose。
If we shall adopt a platform that fails to recognize or express our
purpose； or elect a man that declares himself inimical to our
purpose； we not only take nothing by our success； but we tacitly
admit that we act upon no other principle than a desire to have 〃the
loaves and fishes；〃 by which； in the end； our apparent success is
really an injury to us。
I know that th