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the writings-5-第26章

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party is guilty in that matter you know it or you do not know it。  If

you do know it; you are inexcusable for not designating the man and

proving the fact。  If you do not know it; you are inexcusable for

asserting it; and especially for persisting in the assertion after

you have tried and failed to make the proof。  You need not be told

that persisting in a charge which one does not know to be true is

simply malicious slander。



Some of you admit that no Republican designedly aided or encouraged

the Harper's Ferry affair; but still insist that our doctrines and

declarations necessarily lead to such results。  We do not believe it。

We know we hold to no doctrine; and make no declaration; which were

not held to and made by our fathers who framed the Government under

which we live〃 You never dealt fairly by us in relation to this

affair。  When it occurred; some important State elections were near

at hand; and you were in evident glee with the belief that; by

charging the blame upon us; you could get an advantage of us in those

elections。   The elections came; and your expectations were not quite

fulfilled。  Every Republican man knew that; as to himself at least;

your charge was a slander; and he was not much inclined by it to cast

his vote in your favor。  Republican doctrines and declarations are

accompanied with a continued protest against any interference

whatever with your slaves; or with you about your slaves。  Surely;

this does not encourage them to revolt。  True; we do; in common with

〃our fathers; who framed the Government under which we live;〃 declare

our belief that slavery is wrong; but the slaves do not hear us

declare even this。  For any thing we say or do; the slaves would

scarcely know there is a Republican party。  I believe they would not;

in fact; generally know it but for your misrepresentations of us in

their hearing。  In your political contests among yourselves; each

faction charges the other with sympathy with Black Republicanism; and

then; to give point to the charge; defines Black Republicanism to

simply be insurrection; blood; and thunder among the slaves。



Slave insurrections are no more common now than they were before the

Republican party was organized。  What induced the Southampton

insurrection; twenty…eight years ago; in which; at least; three times

as many lives were lost as at Harper's Ferry? You can scarcely

stretch your very elastic fancy to the conclusion that Southampton

was 〃got up by Black Republicanism。〃 In the present state of things

in the United States; I do not think a general or even a very

extensive slave insurrection is possible。  The indispensable concert

of action cannot be attained。  The slaves have no means of rapid

communication; nor can incendiary freemen; black or white; supply it。

The explosive materials are everywhere in parcels; but there neither

are; nor can be supplied the indispensable connecting trains。



Much is said by Southern people about the affection of slaves for

their masters and mistresses; and a part of it; at least; is true。  A

plot for an uprising could scarcely be devised and communicated to

twenty individuals before some one of them; to save the life of a

favorite master or mistress; would divulge it。  This is the rule; and

the slave revolution in Hayti was not an exception to it; but a case

occurring under peculiar circumstances。  The gunpowder plot of

British history; though not connected with slaves; was more in point。

In that case; only about twenty were admitted to the secret; and yet

one of them; in his anxiety to save a friend; betrayed the plot to

that friend; and; by consequence; averted the calamity。  Occasional

poisonings from the kitchen; and open or stealthy assassinations in

the field; and local revolts; extending to a score or so; will

continue to occur as the natural results of slavery; but no general

insurrection of slaves; as I think; can happen in this country for a

long time。  Whoever much fears or much hopes for such an event will

be alike disappointed。



In the language of Mr。 Jefferson; uttered many years ago; 〃It is

still in our power to direct the process of emancipation and

deportation peaceably; and in such slow degrees as that the evil will

wear off insensibly; and their places be; pari passu; filled up by

free white laborers。  If; on the contrary; it is left to force itself

on; human nature must shudder at the prospect held up。〃



Mr。 Jefferson did not mean to say; nor do I; that the power of

emancipation is in the Federal Government。  He spoke of Virginia;

and; as to the power of emancipation; I speak of the slave holding

States only。  The Federal Government; however; as we insist; has the

power of restraining the extension of the institutionthe power to

insure that a slave insurrection shall never occur on any American

soil which is now free from slavery。



John Brown's effort was peculiar。  It was not a slave insurrection。

It was an attempt by white men to get up a revolt among slaves; in

which the slaves refused to participate。  In fact; it was so absurd

that the slaves; with all their ignorance; saw plainly enough it

could not succeed。  That affair; in its philosophy; corresponds with

the many attempts related in history at the assassination of kings

and emperors。  An enthusiast broods over the oppression of a people

till he fancies himself commissioned by Heaven to liberate them。  He

ventures the attempt; which ends in little else than his own

execution。  Orsini's attempt on Louis Napoleon and John Brown's

attempt at Harper's Ferry were; in their philosophy; precisely the

same。  The eagerness to cast blame on old England in the one case;

and on New England in the other; does not disprove the sameness of

the two things。



And how much would it avail you; if you could; by the use of John

Brown; Helper's Book; and the like; break up the Republican

organization? Human action can be modified to some extent; but human

nature cannot be changed。  There is a judgment and a feeling against

slavery in this nation; which cast at least a million and a half of

votes。  You cannot destroy that judgment and feelingthat sentiment…

…by breaking up the political organization which rallies around it。

You can scarcely scatter and disperse an army which has been formed

into order in the face of your heaviest fire; but if you could; how

much would you gain by forcing the sentiment which created it out of

the peaceful channel of the ballot…box; into some other channel?

What would that other channel probably be?  Would the number of John

Browns be lessened or enlarged by the operation?



But you will break up the Union rather than submit to a denial of

your constitutional rights。



That has a somewhat reckless sound; but it would be palliated; if not

fully justified; were we proposing; by the mere force of numbers; to

deprive you of some right plainly written down in the Constitution。

But we are proposing no such thing。



When you make these declarations; you have a specific and well…

understood allusion to an assumed constitutional right of yours to

take slaves into the Federal Territories; and to hold them there as

property。  But no such right is specifically written in the

Constitution。  That instrument is literally silent about any such

right。  We; on the contrary; deny that such a right has any existence

in the Constitution; even by implication。



Your purpose; then; plainly stated; is that you will destroy the

Government unless you be allowed to construe and enforce the

Constitution as you please on all points in dispute between you and

us。  You will rule or ruin; in all events。



This; plainly stated; is your language。  Perhaps you will say the

Supreme Court has decided the disputed constitutional question in

your favor。  Not quite so。  But; waiving the lawyer's distinction

between dictum and decision; the court have decided the question for

you in a sort of way。  The court have substantially said it is your

constitutional right to take slaves into the Federal Territories; and

to hold them there as property。  When I say; the decision was made in

a sort of way; I mean it was made in a divided court; by a bare

majority of the judges; and they not quite agreeing with one another

in the reasons for making it; that it is so made as that its avowed

supporters disagree with one another about its meaning; and that it

was mainly based upon a mistaken statement of factthe statement in

the opinion that 〃the right of property in a slave is distinctly and

expressly affirmed in the Constitution。〃



An inspection of the Constitution will show that the right of

property in a slave is not 〃distinctly and expressly affirmed〃 in it。

Bear in mind; the judges do not pledge their judicial opinion that

such right is impliedly affirmed in the Constitution; but they pledge

their veracity that it is 〃distinctly and expressly〃 affirmed there…

…〃distinc
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