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intended at the outset。
It is often said that the tariff is the specialty of Pennsylvania。
Assuming that direct taxation is not to be adopted； the tariff
question must be as durable as the government itself。 It is a
question of national housekeeping。 It is to the government what
replenishing the meal…tub is to the family。 Every varying
circumstances will require frequent modifications as to the amount
needed and the sources of supply。 So far there is little difference
of opinion among the people。 It is as to whether； and how far；
duties on imports shall be adjusted to favor home production in the
home market； that controversy begins。 One party insists that such
adjustment oppresses one class for the advantage of another； while
the other party argues that； with all its incidents； in the long run
all classes are benefited。 In the Chicago platform there is a plank
upon this subject which should be a general law to the incoming
administration。 We should do neither more nor less than we gave the
people reason to believe we would when they gave us their votes。
Permit me； fellow…citizens； to read the tariff plank of the Chicago
platform； or rather have it read in your hearing by one who has
younger eyes。
＇Mr。 Lincoln's private secretary then read Section 12 of the Chicago
platform； as follows：
〃That； while providing revenue for the support of the General
Government by duties upon imports； sound policy requires such an
adjustment of these imposts as will encourage the development of the
industrial interest of the whole country； and we commend that policy
of national exchanges which secures to working…men liberal wages； to
agriculture remunerating prices； to mechanics and manufacturers
adequate return for their skill； labor； and enterprise； and to the
nation commercial prosperity and independence。〃
As with all general propositions； doubtless； there will be shades of
difference in construing this。 I have by no means a thoroughly
matured judgment upon this subject； especially as to details； some
general ideas are about all。 I have long thought it would be to our
advantage to produce any necessary article at home which can be made
of as good quality and with as little labor at home as abroad； at
least by the difference of the carrying from abroad。 In such case
the carrying is demonstrably a dead loss of labor。 For instance；
labor being the true standard of value； is it not plain that if equal
labor get a bar of railroad iron out of a mine in England and another
out of a mine in Pennsylvania； each can be laid down in a track at
home cheaper than they could exchange countries； at least by the
carriage？ If there be a present cause why one can be both made and
carried cheaper in money price than the other can be made without
carrying； that cause is an unnatural and injurious one； and ought
gradually； if not rapidly； to be removed。 The condition of the
treasury at this time would seem to render an early revision of the
tariff indispensable。 The Morrill ＇tariff＇ bill； now pending before
Congress； may or may not become a law。 I am not posted as to its
particular provisions； but if they are generally satisfactory； and
the bill shall now pass； there will be an end for the present。 If；
however； it shall not pass； I suppose the whole subject will be one
of the most pressing and important for the next Congress。 By the
Constitution； the executive may recommend measures which he may think
proper； and he may veto those he thinks improper； and it is supposed
that he may add to these certain indirect influences to affect the
action of Congress。 My political education strongly inclines me
against a very free use of any of these means by the executive to
control the legislation of the country。 As a rule； I think it better
that Congress should originate as well as perfect its measures
without external bias。 I therefore would rather recommend to every
gentleman who knows he is to be a member of the next Congress to take
an enlarged view； and post himself thoroughly； so as to contribute
his part to such an adjustment of the tariff as shall produce a
sufficient revenue； and in its other bearings； so far as possible； be
just and equal to all sections of the country and classes of the
people。
ADDRESS AT CLEVELAND； OHIO；
FEBRUARY 15； 1861
Mr。 CHAIRMAN AND FELLOW…CITIZENS OF CLEVELAND：We have been marching
about two miles through snow； rain； and deep mud。 The large numbers
that have turned out under these circumstances testify that you are
in earnest about something or other。 But do I think so meanly of you
as to suppose that that earnestness is about me personally？ I would
be doing you an injustice to suppose you did。 You have assembled to
testify your respect for the Union； the Constitution； and the laws；
and here let me say that it is with you； the people； to advance the
great cause of the Union and the Constitution； and not with any one
man。 It rests with you alone。 This fact is strongly impressed upon
my mind at present。 In a community like this； whose appearance
testifies to their intelligence； I am convinced that the cause of
liberty and the Union can never be in danger。 Frequent allusion is
made to the excitement at present existing in our national politics；
and it is as well that I should also allude to it here。 I think that
there is no occasion for any excitement。 'The crisis； as it is
called； is altogether an artificial crisis。 In all parts of the
nation there are differences of opinion on politics。 There are
differences of opinion even here。 You did not all vote for the
person who now addresses you。 What is happening now will not hurt
those who are farther away from here。 Have they not all their rights
now as they ever have had？ Do they not have their fugitive slaves
returned now as ever？ Have they not the same Constitution that they
have lived under for seventy…odd years？ Have they not a position as
citizens of this common country； and have we any power to change that
position？ What； then； is the matter with them？ Why all this
excitement？ Why all these complaints？
As I said before； this crisis is all artificial！ It has no foundation
in facts。 It is not argued up； as the saying is； and cannot；
therefore； be argued down。 Let it alone and it will go down of
itself。
＇Mr。 Lincoln then said that they must be content with a few words
from him； as he was tired； etc。 Having been given to understand that
the crowd was not all Republican； but consisted of men of all
parties； he continued：＇
This is as it should be。 If Judge Douglas had been elected and had
been here on his way to Washington； as I am to…night； the Republicans
should have joined his supporters in welcoming him； just as his
friends have joined with mine tonight。 If all do not join now to
save the good old ship of the Union this voyage； nobody will have a
chance to pilot her on another voyage。
ADDRESS AT BUFFALO； NEW YORK；
FEBRUARY 16； 1861
Mr。 MAYOR AND FELLOW…CITIZENS OF BUFFALO AND THE STATE OF NEW YORK：
I am here to thank you briefly for this grand reception given to me；
not personally； but as the representative of our great and beloved
country。 Your worthy mayor has been pleased to mention； in his
address to me； the fortunate and agreeable journey which I have had
from home； on my rather circuitous route to the Federal capital。 I
am very happy that he was enabled in truth to congratulate myself and
company on that fact。 It is true we have had nothing thus far。 to
mar the pleasure of the trip。 We have not been met alone by those
who assisted in giving the election to meI say not alone by them；
but by the whole population of the country through which we have
passed。 This is as it should be。 Had the election fallen to any
other of the distinguished candidates instead of myself； under the
peculiar circumstances； to say the least； it would have been proper
for all citizens to have greeted him as you now greet me。 It is an
evidence of the devotion of the whole people to the Constitution； the
Union； and the perpetuity of the liberties of this country。 I am
unwilling on any occasion that I should be so meanly thought of as to
have it supposed for a moment that these demonstrations are tendered
to me personally。 They are tendered to the country； to the
institutions of the country； and to the perpetuity of the liberties
of the country； for which these institutions were made and created。
Your worthy mayor has thought fit to express the hope that I may be
able to relieve the country from the present； or； I should say； the
threatened difficulties。 I am sure I bring a heart true to the work。
For the ability to perform it； I must trust in that Supreme Being who
has never forsaken this favored land； through the instrumentality of
this great and intelligent people。 Without that assistance I s