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endure。
If all the States save one should assert the power to drive that one
out of the Union； it is presumed the whole class of seceder
politicians would at once deny the power and denounce the act as the
greatest outrage upon State rights。 But suppose that precisely the
same act； instead of being called 〃driving the one out；〃 should be
called 〃the seceding of the others from that one；〃 it would be
exactly what the seceders claim to do； unless； indeed； they make the
point that the one； because it is a minority； may rightfully do what
the others； because they are a majority； may not rightfully do。
These politicians are subtle and profound on the rights of
minorities。 They are not partial to that power which made the
Constitution and speaks from the preamble calling itself 〃We； the
People。〃
It may well be questioned whether there is to…day a majority of the
legally qualified voters of any State except perhaps South Carolina
in favor of disunion。 There is much reason to believe that the Union
men are the majority in many； if not in every other one； of the so…
called seceded States。 The contrary has not been demonstrated in any
one of them。 It is ventured to affirm this even of Virginia and
Tennessee； for the result of an election held in military camps；
where the bayonets are all on one side of the question voted upon；
can scarcely be considered as demonstrating popular sentiment。 At
such an election； all that large class who are at once for the Union
and against coercion would be coerced to vote against the Union。
It may be affirmed without extravagance that the free institutions we
enjoy have developed the powers and improved the condition of our
whole people beyond any example in the world。 Of this we now have a
striking and an impressive illustration。 So large an army as the
government has now on foot was never before known without a soldier
in it but who has taken his place there of his own free choice。 But
more than this； there are many single regiments whose members； one
and another； possess full practical knowledge of all the arts；
sciences； professions； and whatever else； whether useful or elegant；
is known in the world； and there is scarcely one from which there
could not be selected a President； a Cabinet； a Congress； and perhaps
a court； abundantly competent to administer the government itself。
Nor do I say this is not true also in the army of our late friends；
now adversaries in this contest； but if it is； so much better the
reason why the government which has conferred such benefits on both
them and us should not be broken up。 Whoever in any section proposes
to abandon such a government would do well to consider in deference
to what principle it is that he does it； what better he is likely to
get in its stead； whether the substitute will give； or be intended to
give； so much of good to the people。 There are some foreshadowings
on this subject。 Our adversaries have adopted some declarations of
independence in which； unlike the good old one； penned by Jefferson；
they omit the words 〃all men are created equal。〃 Why？ They have
adopted a temporary national constitution； in the preamble of which；
unlike our good old one； signed by Washington； they omit 〃We； the
People；〃 and substitute； 〃We； the deputies of the sovereign and
independent States。〃 Why？ Why this deliberate pressing out of view
the rights of men and the authority of the people？
This is essentially a people's contest。 On the side of the Union it
is a struggle for maintaining in the world that form and substance of
government whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men to
lift artificial weights from all shoulders； to clear the paths of
laudable pursuit for all； to afford all an unfettered start； and a
fair chance in the race of life。 Yielding to partial and temporary
departures； from necessity； this is the leading object of the
government for whose existence we contend。
I am most happy to believe that the plain people understand and
appreciate this。 It is worthy of note that； while in this the
government's hour of trial large numbers of those in the army and
navy who have been favored with the offices have resigned and proved
false to the hand which had pampered them； not one common soldier or
common sailor is known to have deserted his flag。
Great honor is due to those officers who remained true； despite the
example of their treacherous associates； but the greatest honor； and
most important fact of all； is the unanimous firmness of the common
soldiers and common sailors。 To the last man； so far as known； they
have successfully resisted the traitorous efforts of those whose
commands； but an hour before； they obeyed as absolute law。 This is
the patriotic instinct of the plain people。 They understand； without
an argument； that the destroying of the government which was made by
Washington means no good to them。
Our popular government has often been called an experiment。 Two
points in it our people have already settledthe successful
establishing and the successful administering of it。 One still
remainsits successful maintenance against a formidable internal
attempt to overthrow it。 It is now for them to demonstrate to the
world that those who can fairly carry an election can also suppress a
rebellion； that ballots are the rightful and peaceful successors of
bullets； and that when ballots have fairly and constitutionally
decided； there can be no successful appeal back to bullets； that
there can be no successful appeal； except to ballots themselves； at
succeeding elections。 Such will be a great lesson of peace：
teaching men that what they cannot take by an election； neither can
they take it by a war； teaching all the folly of being the beginners
of a war。
Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds of candid men as to what
is to be the course of the government toward the Southern States
after the rebellion shall have been suppressed； the executive deems
it proper to say it will be his purpose then； as ever； to be guided
by the Constitution and the laws； and that he probably will have no
different understanding of the powers and duties of the Federal
Government relatively to the rights of the States and the people；
under the Constitution； than that expressed in the inaugural address。
He desires to preserve the government； that it may be administered
for all as it was administered by the men who made it。 Loyal
citizens everywhere have the right to claim this of their government；
and the government has no right to withhold or neglect it。 It is not
perceived that in giving it there is any coercion； any conquest； or
any subjugation； in any just sense of those terms。
The Constitution provides； and all the States have accepted the
provision； that 〃the United States shall guarantee to every State in
this Union a republican form of government。〃 But if a State may
lawfully go out of the Union； having done so it may also discard the
republican form of government； so that to prevent its going out is an
indispensable means to the end of maintaining the guarantee
mentioned； and when an end is lawful and obligatory； the
indispensable means to it are also lawful and obligatory。
It was with the deepest regret that the executive found the duty of
employing the war power in defense of the government forced upon him。
He could but perform this duty or surrender the existence of the
government。 No compromise by public servants could； in this case； be
a cure； not that compromises are not often proper； but that no
popular government can long survive a marked precedent that those who
carry an election can only save the government from immediate
destruction by giving up the main point upon which the people gave
the election。 The people themselves； and not their servants； can
safely reverse their own deliberate decisions。
As a private citizen the executive could not have consented that
these institutions shall perish； much less could he in betrayal of so
vast and so sacred a trust as these free people had confided to him。
He felt that he had no moral right to shrink； nor even to count the
chances of his own life； in what might follow。 In full view of his
great responsibility he has； so far； done what he has deemed his
duty。 You will now； according to your own judgment； perform yours。
He sincerely hopes that your views and your action may so accord with
his as to assure all faithful citizens who have been disturbed in
their rights of a certain and speedy restoration to them； under the
Constitution and the laws。
And having thus chosen our course； without guile and with pure
purpose； let us renew our trust in God； and go forward without fear
and with manly hearts。
ABRAHAM LINCOLN； July 4； 1861
TO THE SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR。
EXECUTIVE MANSION； July 6； 1861。
HON。 SEC。 OF INTE