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the sequel of appomattox-第19章

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ge and the whites who were not disfranchised; to hold elections for conventions; to call the conventions; to hold elections to ratify or reject the constitutions; and to forward the constitutions; if ratified; to the President for transmission to Congress。

In these reconstruction acts the whole doctrine of radicalism was put on the way to accomplishment。 Its spread had been rapid。 In December 1865; the majority of Congress would have accepted with little modification the work of Lincoln and Johnson。 Three months later the Civil Rights Act measured the advance。 Very soon the new Freedmen's Bureau Act and the Fourteenth Amendment indicated the rising tide of radicalism。 The campaign of 1866 and the attitude of the Southern states swept all radicals and most moderate Republicans swiftly into a merciless course of reconstruction。 Moderate reconstruction had nowhere strong support。 Congress; touched in its amour propre by presidential disregard; was eager for extremes。 Johnson; who regarded himself as defending the Constitution against radical assaults; was stubborn; irascible; and undignified; and with his associates was no match in political strategy for his radical opponents。

The average Republican or Unionist in the North; if he had not been brought by skillful misrepresentation to believe a new rebellion impending in the South; was at any rate painfully alive to the fear that the Democratic party might regain power。 With the freeing of the slaves; the representation of the South in Congress would be increased。 At first it seemed that the South might divide in politics as before the war; but the longer the delay the more the Southern whites tended to unite into one party acting with the Democrats。 With their eighty…five representatives and a slight reaction in the North; they might gain control of the lower House of Congress。 The Union…Republican party had a majority of less than one hundred in 1866; and this was lessened slightly in the Fortieth Congress。 The President was for all practical purposes a Democrat again。 The prospect was too much for the very human politicians to view without distress。 Stevens; speaking in support of the Military Reconstruction Bill; said:

〃There are several good reasons for the passage of this bill。 In the first place; it is just。 I am now confining my argument to Negro suffrage in the rebel states。 Have not loyal blacks quite as good a right to choose rulers and make laws as rebel whites? In the second place; it is necessary in order to protect the loyal white men in the seceded states。 With them the blacks would act in a body; and it is believed that in each of these states; except one; the two united would form a majority; control the states; and protect themselves。 Now they are the victims of daily murder。 They must suffer constant persecution or be exiled。 Another good reason is that it would insure the ascendancy of the union party 。。。。 I believe 。 。 。 that on the continued ascendancy of that party depends the safety of this great nation。 If impartial suffrage is excluded in the rebel states; then every one of them is sure to send a solid rebel electoral vote。 They; with their kindred Copperheads of the North; would always elect the President and control Congress。〃

The laws passed on the 2d and the 23d of March were war measures and presupposed a continuance of war conditions。 The Lincoln…Johnson state governments were overturned; Congress fixed the qualifications of voters for that time and for the future; and the President; shorn of much of his constitutional power; could exercise but little control over the military government。 Nothing that a state might do would secure restoration until it should ratify the Fourteenth Amendment to the Federal Constitution。 The war had been fought upon the theory that the old Union must be preserved; but the basic theory of the reconstruction was that a new Union was to be created。



CHAPTER VI。 THE RULE OF THE MAJOR GENERALS

From the passage of the reconstruction acts to the close of Johnson's Administration; Congress; working the will of the radical majority; was in supreme control。 The army carried out the will of Congress and to that body; not to the President; the commanding general and his subordinates looked for direction。

The official opposition of the President to the policy of Congress ceased when that policy was enacted into law。 He believed this legislation to be unconstitutional; but he considered it his duty to execute the laws。 He at once set about the appointment of generals to command the military districts created in the South;* a task calling for no little discretion; since much depended upon the character of these military governors; or 〃satraps;〃 as they were frequently called by the opposition。 The commanding general in a district was charged with many duties; military; political; and administrative。 It was his duty to carry on a government satisfactory to the radicals and not too irritating to the Southern whites; at the same time he must execute the reconstruction acts by putting old leaders out of power and Negroes in。 Violent opposition to this policy on the part of the South was not looked for。 Notwithstanding the 〃Southern outrage〃 campaign; it was generally recognized in government circles that conditions in the seceded states had gradually been growing better since the close of the war。 There was in many regions; to be sure; a general laxity in enforcing laws; but that had always been characteristic of the newer parts of the South。 The Civil Rights Act was generally in force; the 〃Black Laws〃 had been suspended; and the Freedmen's Bureau was everywhere caring for the Negroes。 What disorder existed was of recent origin and in the main was due to the unsettling effects of the debates in Congress and to the organization of the Negroes for political purposes。

* The first five generals appointed were Schofield; Sickles。 Pope; Ord; and Sheridan。 None of these remained in his district until reconstruction was completed。 To Schofield's command in the first district succeeded in turn Stoneman; Webb; and Canby; Sickles gave way to Canby; and Pope to Meade; Ord in the fourth district was followed by Gillem; McDowell; and Ames; Sheridan; in the fifth; was succeeded by Griffen; Mower; Hancock; Buchanan; Reynolds; and Canby。 Some of the generals were radical; others; moderate and tactful。 The most extreme were Sheridan; Pope; and Sickles。 Those most acceptable to the whites were Hancock; Schofield; and Meade。 General Grant himself became more radical in his actions as he became involved in the fight between Congress and the President。


Military rule was established in the South with slight friction; but it was soon found that the reconstruction laws were not sufficiently clear on two points: first; whether there was any limit to the authority of the five generals over the local and state governments and; if so; whether the limiting authority was in the President; and second; whether the disfranchising provisions in the laws were punitive and hence to be construed strictly。 Attorney…General Stanbery; in May and June 1867; drew up opinions in which he maintained that the laws were to be considered punitive and therefore to be construed strictly。 After discussions in cabinet meetings; these opinions received the approval of all except Stanton; Secretary of War; who had already joined the radical camp。 The Attorney…General's opinion was sent out to the district commanders for their information and guidance。 But Congress did not intend to permit the President or his Cabinet to direct the process of reconstruction; and in the Act of July 19; 1867; it gave a radical interpretation to the reconstruction legislation; declared itself in control; gave full power to General Grant and to the district commanders subject only to Grant; directed the removal of all local officials who opposed the reconstruction policies; and warned the civil and military officers of the United States that none of them should 〃be bound in his action by any opinion of any civil officer of the United States。〃 This interpretive legislation gave a broad basis for the military government and resulted in a severe application of the disfranchising provisions of the laws。

The rule of the five generals lasted in all the States until June 1868; and continued in Mississippi; Texas; Virginia; and Georgia until 1870。 There had been; to be sure; some military government in 1865; subject; however; to the President; and from 1865 to 1867 the army; along with the Freedmen's Bureau; had exerted a strong influence in the government of the South; but in the regime now inaugurated the military was supreme。 The generals had a superior at Washington; but whether it was the President; General Grant; or Congress was not clear until the Act of July 19; 1867 made Congress the source of authority。

The power of the generals most strikingly appeared in their control of the state governments which were continued as provisional organizations。 Since no elections were permitted; all appointments and removals were made from military headquarters; which soon became political beehives; centers of wirepulling and agencies for the distribution of spoils。 At the outset civil officers were
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