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in some sections he is discouraged from leaving his old master。 I have known of planters who considered it an offence against neighborhood courtesy for another to hire their old hands； and in two instances that were reported the disputants came to blows over the breach of etiquette。〃 The new Freedmen's Bureau insisted upon written contracts； except for day laborers； and this undoubtedly kept many Negroes from working regularly； for they were suspicious of contracts。 Besides； the agitators and the Negro troops led them to hope for an eventual distribution of property。 An Alabama planter thus described the situation in December 1865：
〃They will not work for anything but wages； and few are able to pay wages。 They are penniless but resolute in their demands。 They expect to see all the land divided out equally between them and their old masters in time to make the next crop。 One of the most intelligent black men I know told me that in a neighboring village； where several hundred blacks were congregated； he does not think that as many as three made contracts； although planters are urgent in their solicitations and offering highest prices for labor they can possibly afford to pay。 The same man informed me that the impression widely prevails that Congress is about to divide out the lands； and that this impression is given out by Federal soldiers at the nearest military station。 It cannot be disguised that in spite of the most earnest efforts of their old master to conciliate and satisfy them； the estrangement between races increases in its extent and bitterness。 Nearly all the Negro men are armed with repeaters； and many of them carry them openly； day and night。〃
The relations between the races were better； however； than conditions seemed to indicate。 The whites of the Black Belt were better disposed toward the Negroes than were those of the white districts。 It was in the towns and villages that most of the race conflicts occurred。 All whites agreed that the Negro was inferior； but there were many who were grateful for his conduct during the war and who wished him well。 But others； the policemen of the towns； the 〃loyalists；〃 those who had little but pride of race and the vote to distinguish them from the blacks； felt no good will toward the ex…slaves。 It was Truman's opinion 〃not only that the planters are far better friends to the Negroes than the poor whites； but also better than a majority of the Northern men who go South to rent plantations。〃 John T。 Trowbridge； the novelist； who recorded his impressions of the South after a visit in 1865； was of the opinion that the Unionists 〃do not like niggers。〃 〃For there is；〃 he said； 〃more prejudice against color among the middle and poorer classesthe Union men of the South who owned few or no slavesthan among the planters who owned them by scores and hundreds。〃 The reports of the Freedmen's Bureau are to the same effect。 A Bureau agent in Tennessee testified： 〃An old citizen； a Union man； said to me； said he； 'I tell you what； if you take away the military from Tennessee； the buzzards can't eat up the niggers as fast as we'll kill them。'〃
The lawlessness of the Negroes in parts of the Black Belt and the disturbing influences of the black troops； of some officials of the Bureau； and of some of the missionary teachers and preachers； caused the whites to fear insurrections and to take measures for protection。 Secret semi…military organizations were formed which later developed into the Ku Klux orders。 When； however； New Year's Day 1866 passed without the hoped…for distribution of Property； the Negroes began to settle down。
At the beginning of the period of reconstruction； it seemed possible that the Negro race might speedily fall into distinct economic groups； for there were some who had property and many others who had the ability and the opportunity to acquire it； but the later drawing of race lines and the political disturbances of reconstruction checked this tendency。 It was expected also that the Northern planters who came South in large numbers in 1865…66 might； by controlling the Negro labor and by the use of more efficient methods； aid in the economic upbuilding of the country。 But they were ignorant of agricultural matters and incapable of wisely controlling the blacks； and they failed because at one time they placed too much trust in the Negroes and at another treated them too harshly and expected too much of them。
The question of Negro suffrage was not a live issue in the South until the middle of 1866。 There was almost no talk about it among the Negroes； they did not know what it was。 President Lincoln in 1864 and President Johnson in 1865 had merely mentioned the subject； though Chief Justice Chase and prominent radical members of Congress； as well as numerous abolitionists； had framed a Negro suffrage platform。 But the Southern whites； considering the matter an impossibility； gave it little consideration。 There was； however； both North and South； a tendency to see a connection between the freedom of the Negroes and their political rights and thus to confuse civil equality with political and social privileges。 But the great masses of the whites were solidly opposed to the recognition of Negro equality in any form。 The poorer whites； especially the 〃Unionists〃 who hoped to develop an opposition party； were angered by any discussion of the subject。 An Alabama 〃Unionist；〃 M。 J。 Saffold； later prominent as a radical politician； declared to the Joint Committee on Reconstruction： 〃If you compel us to carry through universal suffrage of colored； men 。 。 。 it will prove quite an *incubus upon us in the organization of a national union party of white men； it will furnish our opponents with a very effective weapon of offense against us。〃
There were； however； some Southern leaders of ability and standing who； by 1866； were willing to consider Negro suffrage。 These men； among them General Wade Hampton of South Carolina and Governor Robert Patton of Alabama； were of the slaveholding class； and they fully counted on being able to control the Negro's vote by methods similar to those actually put in force a quarter of a century later。 The Negroes were not as yet politically organized were not even interested in politics； and the master class might reasonably hope to regain control of them。 Whitelaw Reid published an interview with one of the Hamptons which describes the situation exactly：
〃A brother of General Wade Hampton； the South Carolina Hotspur； was on board。 He saw no great objection to Negro suffrage； so far as the whites were concerned； and for himself； South Carolinian and secessionist though he was； he was quite willing to accept it。 He only dreaded its effect on the blacks themselves。 Hitherto they had in the main； been modest and respectful； and mere freedom was not likely to spoil them。 But the deference to them likely to be shown by partisans eager for their votes would have a tendency to uplift them and unbalance them。 Beyond this； no harm would be done the South by Negro suffrage。 The old owners would cast the votes of their people almost as absolutely and securely as they cast their own。 If Northern men expected in this way to build up a northern party in the South； they were gravely mistaken。 They would only be multiplying the power of the old and natural leaders of Southern politics by giving every vote to a former slave。 Heretofore such men had served their masters only in the fields； now they would do no less faithful service at the polls。 If the North could stand it； the South could。 For himself； he should make no special objection to Negro suffrage as one of the terms of reorganization； and if it came； he did not think the South would have much cause to regret it。〃
To sum up the situation at this time： the Negro population at the close of the war constituted a tremendous problem for those in authority。 The race was free； but without status； without leaders； without property； and without education。 Probably a fourth of them had some experience in freedom before the Confederate armies surrendered； and the servitude of the other three millions ended very quickly and without violence。 But in the Black Belt； where the bulk of the black population was to be found； the labor system was broken up； and for several months the bewildered freedmen wandered about or remained at home under conditions which were bad for health； morals； and thrift。 The Northern Negroes did not furnish the expected leadership for the race； and the more capable men in the South showed a tendency to go North。 The unsettled state of the Negroes and their expectation of receiving a part of the property of the whites kept the latter uneasy and furnished the occasion of frequent conflicts。 Not the least of the unsettling influences at work upon the Negro population were the colored troops and the agitators furnished by the Freedmen's Bureau； the missions； and the Bureau schools。 But at the beginning of the year 1866； the situation appeared to be clearing； and the social and economic revolution seemed on the way to a quieter ending than might have been expected。
CHAPTER III。 THE WORK OF THE PRESIDENTS
The war ended slavery； but it left the problem of the freed slave； it preserved the Union