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You are again at war； I find。 But we； I hope； shall be
permitted to run the race of peace。 Your government has wisely
removed what certainly endangered collision between us。 I now see
nothing which need ever interrupt the friendship between France and
this country。 Twenty years of peace； and the prosperity so visibly
flowing from it； have but strengthened our attachment to it； and the
blessings it brings； and we do not despair of being always a
peaceable nation。 We think that peaceable means may be devised of
keeping nations in the path of justice towards us； by making justice
their interest； and injuries to react on themselves。 Our distance
enables us to pursue a course which the crowded situation of Europe
renders perhaps impracticable there。
Be so good as to accept for yourself and M。 de La Roche； my
friendly salutations； and assurances of great consideration and
respect。
THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE
_To John C。 Breckinridge_
_Monticello； Aug。 12； 1803_
DEAR SIR； The enclosed letter； tho' directed to you； was
intended to me also； and was left open with a request； that when
perused； I would forward it to you。 It gives me occasion to write a
word to you on the subject of Louisiana； which being a new one； an
interchange of sentiments may produce correct ideas before we are to
act on them。
Our information as to the country is very incompleat； we have
taken measures to obtain it in full as to the settled part； which I
hope to receive in time for Congress。 The boundaries； which I deem
not admitting question； are the high lands on the western side of the
Missisipi enclosing all it's waters； the Missouri of course； and
terminating in the line drawn from the northwestern point of the Lake
of the Woods to the nearest source of the Missipi； as lately settled
between Gr Britain and the U S。 We have some claims； to extend on
the sea coast Westwardly to the Rio Norte or Bravo； and better； to go
Eastwardly to the Rio Perdido； between Mobile & Pensacola； the
antient boundary of Louisiana。 These claims will be a subject of
negociation with Spain； and if； as soon as she is at war； we push
them strongly with one hand； holding out a price in the other； we
shall certainly obtain the Floridas； and all in good time。 In the
meanwhile； without waiting for permission； we shall enter into the
exercise of the natural right we have always insisted on with Spain；
to wit； that of a nation holding the upper part of streams； having a
right of innocent passage thro' them to the ocean。 We shall prepare
her to see us practise on this； & she will not oppose it by force。
Objections are raising to the Eastward against the vast extent
of our boundaries； and propositions are made to exchange Louisiana；
or a part of it； for the Floridas。 But； as I have said； we shall get
the Floridas without； and I would not give one inch of the waters of
the Mississippi to any nation； because I see in a light very
important to our peace the exclusive right to it's navigation； & the
admission of no nation into it； but as into the Potomak or Delaware；
with our consent & under our police。 These federalists see in this
acquisition the formation of a new confederacy； embracing all the
waters of the Missipi； on both sides of it； and a separation of it's
Eastern waters from us。 These combinations depend on so many
circumstances which we cannot foresee； that I place little reliance
on them。 We have seldom seen neighborhood produce affection among
nations。 The reverse is almost the universal truth。 Besides； if it
should become the great interest of those nations to separate from
this； if their happiness should depend on it so strongly as to induce
them to go through that convulsion； why should the Atlantic States
dread it？ But especially why should we； their present inhabitants；
take side in such a question？ When I view the Atlantic States；
procuring for those on the Eastern waters of the Missipi friendly
instead of hostile neighbors on it's Western waters； I do not view it
as an Englishman would the procuring future blessings for the French
nation； with whom he has no relations of blood or affection。 The
future inhabitants of the Atlantic & Missipi States will be our sons。
We leave them in distinct but bordering establishments。 We think we
see their happiness in their union； & we wish it。 Events may prove
it otherwise； and if they see their interest in separation； why
should we take side with our Atlantic rather than our Missipi
descendants？ It is the elder and the younger son differing。 God
bless them both； & keep them in union； if it be for their good； but
separate them； if it be better。 The inhabited part of Louisiana；
from Point Coupee to the sea； will of course be immediately a
territorial government； and soon a State。 But above that； the best
use we can make of the country for some time； will be to give
establishments in it to the Indians on the East side of the Missipi；
in exchange for their present country； and open land offices in the
last； & thus make this acquisition the means of filling up the
Eastern side； instead of drawing off it's population。 When we shall
be full on this side； we may lay off a range of States on the Western
bank from the head to the mouth； & so； range after range； advancing
compactly as we multiply。
This treaty must of course be laid before both Houses； because
both have important functions to exercise respecting it。 They； I
presume； will see their duty to their country in ratifying & paying
for it； so as to secure a good which would otherwise probably be
never again in their power。 But I suppose they must then appeal to
_the nation_ for an additional article to the Constitution； approving
& confirming an act which the nation had not previously authorized。
The constitution has made no provision for our holding foreign
territory； still less for incorporating foreign nations into our
Union。 The Executive in seizing the fugitive occurrence which so
much advances the good of their country； have done an act beyond the
Constitution。 The Legislature in casting behind them metaphysical
subtleties； and risking themselves like faithful servants； must
ratify & pay for it； and throw themselves on their country for doing
for them unauthorized what we know they would have done for
themselves had they been in a situation to do it。 It is the case of
a guardian； investing the money of his ward in purchasing an
important adjacent territory； & saying to him when of age； I did this
for your good； I pretend to no right to bind you： you may disavow me；
and I must get out of the scrape as I can： I thoughtit my duty to
risk myself for you。 But we shall not be disavowed by the nation；
and their act of indemnity will confirm & not weaken the
Constitution； by more strongly marking out its lines。
We have nothing later from Europe than the public papers give。
I hope yourself and all the Western members will make a sacred point
of being at the first day of the meeting of Congress； for _vestra res
agitur。_
Accept my affectionate salutations & assurances of esteem &
respect。
A CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT
_To Wilson Cary Nicholas_
_Monticello； Sep。 7； 1803_
DEAR SIR； Your favor of the 3d was delivered me at court；
but we were much disappointed at not seeing you here； Mr。 Madison &
the Gov。 being here at the time。 I enclose you a letter from Monroe
on the subject of the late treaty。 You will observe a hint in it； to
do without delay what we are bound to do。 There is reason； in the
opinion of our ministers； to believe； that if the thing were to do
over again； it could not be obtained； & that if we give the least
opening； they will declare the treaty void。 A warning amounting to
that has been given to them； & an unusual kind of letter written by
their minister to our Secretary of State； direct。 Whatever Congress
shall think it necessary to do； should be done with as little debate
as possible； & particularly so far as respects the constitutional
difficulty。 I am aware of the force of the observations you make on
the power given by the Constn to Congress； to admit new States into
the Union； without restraining the subject to the territory then
constituting the U S。 But when I consider that the limits of the U S
are precisely fixed by the treaty of 1783； that the Constitution
expressly declares itself to be made for the U S； I cannot help
believing the intention was to permit Congress to admit into the
Union new States； which should be formed out of the territory for
which； & under whose authority alone； they were then acting。 I do
not believe it was meant that they might receive England； Ireland；
Holland； &c。 into it； which would be the case on your constructi