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curiosity disposed him to relish novelties； except in theology； that
bottom rock in his mind of caution and reserve； which has already
been referred to； made him refuse to part with old views even when
he was beginning to accept new ones。 He allowed both to 〃lie on the
table〃 together； and while declaring his mind to be open to
conviction； he felt it safer to speak and act on the old lines till
the process of conviction had been completed。 It took fourteen
years； from 1846 to 1860； to carry him from the Conservative into
the Liberal camp。 It took five stormy years to bring him round to
Irish home rule； though his mind was constantly occupied with the
subject from 1880 to 1885； and those who watched him closely saw
that the process had advanced some considerable way even in 1881。
And as regards ecclesiastical establishments； having written a book
in 1838 as a warm advocate of state churches； it was not till 1867
that he adopted the policy of disestablishment for Ireland； not till
1890 that he declared himself ready to apply it in Wales and
Scotland also。
Both these qualitieshis disposition to revise his opinions in the
light of new arguments and changing conditions； and the reticence he
maintained till the process of revision had been completedexposed
him to misconstruction。 Commonplace men； unwont to give serious
scrutiny to their opinions； ascribed his changes to self…interest；
or at best regarded them as the index of an unstable mind。 Dull men
could not understand why he should have forborne to set forth all
that was passing in his mind； and saw little difference between
reticence and dishonesty。 Much of the suspicion and even fear with
which he was regarded； especially after 1885； arose from the idea
that it was impossible to predict what he would do next； and how far
his openness of mind would carry him。 In so far as they tended to
shake public confidence； these characteristics injured him in his
statesman's work； but the loss was far outweighed by the gain。 In a
country where opinion is active and changeful； where the economic
conditions that legislation has to deal with are in a state of
perpetual flux； where the balance of power between the upper and
middle and poorer classes has been swiftly altering during the last
sixty years； no statesman can continue to serve the public if he
adheres obstinately to the views with which he started in life。 He
mustunless； of course； he stands aloof in permanent opposition
either submit to advocate measures he secretly mislikes； or else
must keep himself always ready to learn from events； and to
reconsider his opinions in the light of emergent tendencies and
insistent facts。 Mr。 Gladstone's pride as well as his conscience
forbade the former alternative； it was fortunate that the
inexhaustible activity of his intellect made the latter natural to
him。 He was accustomed to say that the great mistake of his earlier
views had been in not sufficiently recognizing the worth and power
of liberty； and the tendency which things have to work out for good
when left to themselves。 The application of this principle gave
room for many developments； and many developments there were。 He
may have wanted that prescience which is； after integrity； the
highest gift of a statesman； but which is almost impossible to a man
so pressed by the constant and engrossing occupations of an English
minister that he cannot find time for the patient study and thought
from which alone sound forecasts can issue。 But he had the next
best quality； that of always learning from the events which passed
under his eyes。
With this singular openness and flexibility of mind； there went a
not less remarkable ingenuity and resourcefulness。 His mind was
fertile in expedients； and still more fertile in reasonings by which
to recommend the expedients。 This gift was often dangerous； for he
was apt to be carried away by the dexterity of his own dialectic；
and to think schemes substantially good in whose support he could
muster so formidable an array of arguments。 He never seemed to be
at a loss； in public or private； for a criticism； or for an answer
to the criticisms of others。 If his power of adapting his own mind
to the minds of those whom he had to convince had been equal to the
skill and swiftness with which he accumulated a mass of matter
persuasive to those who looked at things in his own way； no one
would have exercised so complete a control over the political
opinion of his time。 But his mind had not this power of adaptation。
It moved on its own linespeculiar lines； which were often
misconceived； even by those who sought to follow him most loyally。
Thus it happened that he was blamed for two opposite faults。 Some；
pointing to the fact that he had frequently altered his views；
denounced him as a demagogue profuse of promises； ready to propose
whatever he thought likely to catch the people's ear。 Others
complained that there was no knowing where to have him； that he had
an erratic mind； whose currents ran underground and came to the
surface in unexpected places； that he did not consult his party； but
followed his own predilections； that his guidance was unsafe because
his decisions were unpredictable。 Both these views were unfair； yet
the latter came nearer to the truth than the former。 No great
popular leader had in him less of the true ring of the demagogue。
He saw； of course； that a statesman cannot oppose the popular will
beyond a certain point； and may have to humor it in order that he
may direct it。 Now and then； in his later days； he so far yielded
to his party advisers as to express his approval of proposals for
which he cared little personally。 But he was too self…absorbed； too
eagerly interested in the ideas that suited his own cast of thought；
to be able to watch and gage the tendencies of the multitude。 On
several occasions he announced a policy which startled people and
gave a new turn to the course of events。 But in none of these
instances； and certainly not in the three most remarkable；his
declarations against the Irish church establishment in 1868； against
the Turks and the traditional English policy of supporting them in
1876； and in favor of Irish home rule in 1886；did any popular
demand suggest his pronouncement。 It was the masses who took their
view from him； not he who took his mandate from the masses。 In all
of these instances he was at the time in opposition； and was accused
of having made this new departure for the sake of recovering power。
In the two former he prevailed； and was ultimately admitted； by his
more candid adversaries； to have counseled wisely。 In all of them
he may； perhaps； be censured for not having sooner perceived； or at
any rate for not having sooner announced； the need for reform。 But
it was very characteristic of him not to give the full strength of
his mind to a question till he felt that it pressed for a solution。
Those who discussed politics with him were scarcely more struck by
the range of his vision and his power of correlating principles and
details than by his unwillingness to commit himself on matters whose
decision he could postpone。 Reticence and caution were sometimes
carried too far； not merely because they exposed him to
misconstruction； but because they withheld from his party the
guidance it needed。 This was true in all the three instances just
mentioned； and in the last of them his reticence probably
contributed to the separation from him of some of his former
colleagues。 Nor did he always rightly divine the popular mind。
Absorbed in his own financial views； he omitted to note the change
that had been in progress between 1862 and 1874； and thus his
proposal in the latter year to extinguish the income tax fell
completely flat。 He often failed to perceive how much the credit of
his party was suffering from the belief； quite groundless so far as
he personally was concerned； that his government was indifferent to
what are called Imperial interests； the interests of England outside
England。 But he always thought for himself； and never stooped to
flatter the prejudices or inflame the passions of any class in the
community。
Though the power of reading the signs of the times and moving the
mind of the nation as a whole may be now more essential to an
English statesman than the skill which manages a legislature or
holds together a cabinet； that skill counts for much； and must
continue to do so while the House of Commons remains the supreme
governing authority of the country。 A man can hardly reach high
place； and certainly cannot retain high place； without possessing
this kind of art。 Mr。 Gladstone was at one time thought to want it。
In 1864； when Lord Palmerston's end was evidently near and Mr。
Gladstone had shown himself the most brilliant and capable man among
the Liberal ministers in the House of Common's； people speculated
about the succession to the headship of the party； and the wiseacres
of the day were never tired of repeating that Mr。 Gladstone could
not possibly lead the House of Commons。 He wanted tact （they said）；
he was too excitable； too impulsive； too much absorbed in his own
ideas； too unver