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hands。 The only sure foundations of medicine are； an intimate
knolege of the human body； and observation on the effects of
medicinal substances on that。 The anatomical & clinical schools；
therefore； are those in which the young physician should be formed。
If he enters with innocence that of the theory of medicine； it is
scarcely possible he should come out untainted with error。 His mind
must be strong indeed； if； rising above juvenile credulity； it can
maintain a wise infidelity against the authority of his instructors；
& the bewitching delusions of their theories。 You see that I
estimate justly that portion of instruction which our medical
students derive from your labors； &； associating with it one of the
chairs which my old & able friend； Doctor Rush； so honorably fills； I
consider them as the two fundamental pillars of the edifice。 Indeed；
I have such an opinion of the talents of the professors in the other
branches which constitute the school of medicine with you； as to hope
& believe； that it is from this side of the Atlantic； that Europe；
which has taught us so many other things； will at length be led into
sound principles in this branch of science； the most important of all
others； being that to which we commit the care of health & life。
I dare say； that by this time； you are sufficiently sensible
that old heads as well as young； may sometimes be charged with
ignorance and presumption。 The natural course of the human mind is
certainly from credulity to scepticism； and this is perhaps the most
favorable apology I can make for venturing so far out of my depth； &
to one too； to whom the strong as well as the weak points of this
science are so familiar。 But having stumbled on the subject in my
way； I wished to give a confession of my faith to a friend； & the
rather； as I had perhaps； at time； to him as well as others；
expressed my scepticism in medicine； without defining it's extent or
foundation。 At any rate； it has permitted me； for a moment； to
abstract myself from the dry & dreary waste of politics； into which I
have been impressed by the times on which I happened； and to indulge
in the rich fields of nature； where alone I should have served as a
volunteer； if left to my natural inclinations & partialities。
I salute you at all times with affection & respect。
TORPEDOES AND SUBMARINES
_To Robert Fulton_
_Monticello； August 16； 1807_
SIR； Your letter of July 28； came to hand just as I was
about leaving Washington； & it has not been sooner in my power to
acknolege it。 I consider your torpedoes as very valuable means of
defence of harbors； & have no doubt that we should adopt them to a
considerable degree。 Not that I go the whole length （as I believe
you do） of considering them as solely to be relied on。 Neither a
nation nor those entrusted with it's affairs； could be justifiable；
however sanguine their expectations； in trusting solely to an engine
not yet sufficiently tried； under all the circumstances which may
occur； & against which we know not as yet what means of parrying may
be devised。 If； indeed； the mode of attaching them to the cable of a
ship be the only one proposed； modes of prevention cannot be
difficult。 But I have ever looked to the submarine boat as most to
be depended on for attaching them； & tho' I see no mention of it in
your letter； or your publications； I am in hopes it is not abandoned
as impracticable。 I should wish to see a corps of young men trained
to this service。 It would belong to the engineers if at land； but
being nautical； I suppose we must have a corps of naval engineers； to
practise & use them。 I do not know whether we have authority to put
any part of our existing naval establishment in a course of training；
but it shall be the subject of a consultation with the Secretary of
the Navy。 Genl Dearborne has informed you of the urgency of our want
of you at N Orleans for the locks there。
I salute you with great respect & esteem。
RELIGIOUS FREEDOM
_To Rev。 Samuel Miller_
_Washington； Jan。 23； 1808_
SIR； I have duly received your favor of the 18th and am
thankful to you for having written it； because it is more agreeable
to prevent than to refuse what I do not think myself authorized to
comply with。 I consider the government of the U S。 as interdicted by
the Constitution from intermeddling with religious institutions；
their doctrines； discipline； or exercises。 This results not only
from the provision that no lawshall be made respecting the
establishment； or free exercise； of religion； but from that also
which reserves to the states the powers not delegated to the U。S。
Certainly no power to prescribe any religious exercise； or to assume
authority in religious discipline； has been delegated to the general
government。 It must then rest with the states； as far as it can be
in any human authority。 But it is only proposed that I should
_recommend_； not prescribe a day of fasting & prayer。 That is； that
I should _indirectly_ assume to the U。S。 an authority over religious
exercises which the Constitution has directly precluded them from。
It must be meant too that this recommendation is to carry some
authority； and to be sanctioned by some penalty on those who
disregard it； not indeed of fine and imprisonment； but of some degree
of proscription perhaps in public opinion。 And does the change in
the nature of the penalty make the recommendation the less _a law_ of
conduct for those to whom it is directed？ I do not believe it is for
the interest of religion to invite the civil magistrate to direct
it's exercises； it's discipline； or it's doctrines； nor of the
religious societies that the general government should be invested
with the power of effecting any uniformity of time or matter among
them。 Fasting & prayer are religious exercises。 The enjoining them
an act of discipline。 Every religious society has a right to
determine for itself the times for these exercises； & the objects
proper for them； according to their own particular tenets； and this
right can never be safer than in their own hands； where the
constitution has deposited it。
I am aware that the practice of my predecessors may be quoted。
But I have ever believed that the example of state executives led to
the assumption of that authority by the general government； without
due examination； which would have discovered that what might be a
right in a state government； was a violation of that right when
assumed by another。 Be this as it may； every one must act according
to the dictates of his own reason； & mine tells me that civil powers
alone have been given to the President of the U S。 and no authority
to direct the religious exercises of his constituents。
I again express my satisfaction that you have been so good as
to give me an opportunity of explaining myself in a private letter；
in which I could give my reasons more in detail than might have been
done in a public answer： and I pray you to accept the assurances of
my high esteem & respect。
〃SUBJECTS FOR A MAD…HOUSE〃
_To Dr。 Thomas Leib_
_Washington； June 23； 1808_
SIR； I have duly received your favor covering a copy of the
talk to the Tammany society； for which I thank you； and particularly
for the favorable sentiments expressed towards myself。 Certainly；
nothing will so much sweeten the tranquillity and comfort of
retirement； as the knoledge that I carry with me the good will &
approbation of my republican fellow citizens； and especially of the
individuals in unison with whom I have so long acted。 With respect
to the federalists； I believe we think alike； for when speaking of
them； we never mean to include a worthy portion of our fellow
citizens； who consider themselves as in duty bound to support the
constituted authorities of every branch； and to reserve their
opposition to the period of election。 These having acquired the
appellation of federalists； while a federal administration was in
place； have not cared about throwing off their name； but adhering to
their principle； are the supporters of the present order of things。
The other branch of the federalists； those who are so in principle as
well as in name； disapprove of the republican principles & features
of our Constitution； and would； I believe； welcome any public
calamity （war with England excepted） which might lessen the
confidence of our country in those principles & forms。 I have
generally considered them rather as subjects for a mad…house。 But
they are now playing a game of the most mischevious tendency； without
perhaps being themselves aware of it。 They are endeavoring to
convince England that we suffer more by the embargo than they do； &
that if they will but hold