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The Cleveland Era； A Chronicle of the New Order in Politics
by Henry Jones Ford
CONTENTS
I。 A TRANSITION PERIOD
II。 POLITICAL GROPING AND PARTY FLUCTUATION
III。 THE ADVENT OF CLEVELAND
IV。 A CONSTITUTIONAL CRISIS
V。 PARTY POLICY IN CONGRESS
VI。 PRESIDENTIAL KNIGHT…ERRANTRY
VII。 THE PUBLIC DISCONTENTS
VIII。 THE REPUBLICAN OPPORTUNITY
IX。 THE FREE SILVER REVOLT
X。 LAW AND ORDER UPHELD
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
THE CLEVELAND ERA
CHAPTER I。 A TRANSITION PERIOD
Politicians at Washington very generally failed to realize that the advent of President Hayes marked the dismissal of the issues of war and reconstruction。 They regarded as an episode what turned out to be the close of an era。 They saw； indeed； that public interest in the old issues had waned； but they were confident that this lack of interest was transient。 They admitted that the emotional fervor excited by the war and by the issues of human right involved in its results was somewhat damped； but they believed that the settlement of those issues was still so incomplete that public interest would surely rekindle。 For many years the ruling thought of the Republican party leaders was to be watchful of any opportunity to ply the bellows on the embers。 Besides genuine concern over the way in which the negroes had been divested of political privileges conferred by national legislation； the Republicans felt a tingling sense of party injury。
The most eminent party leaders at this timeboth standing high as presidential possibilitieswere James G。 Blaine and John Sherman。 In a magazine article published in 1880 Mr。 Blaine wrote： 〃As the matter stands； all violence in the South inures to the benefit of one political party。。。。 Our institutions have been tried by the fiery test of war； and have survived。 It remains to be seen whether the attempt to govern the country by the power of a 'solid South；' unlawfully consolidated； can be successful。。。。 The republic must be strong enough； and shall be strong enough； to protect the weakest of its citizens in all their rights。〃 And so late as 1884； Mr。 Sherman earnestly contended for the principle of national intervention in the conduct of state elections。 〃The war；〃 he said； 〃emancipated and made citizens of five million people who had been slaves。 This was a national act and whether wisely or imprudently done it must be respected by the people of all the States。 If sought to be reversed in any degree by the people of any locality it is the duty of the national government to make their act respected by all its citizens。〃
Republican party platforms reiterated such opinions long after their practical futility had become manifest。 Indeed； it was a matter of common knowledge that negro suffrage had been undone by force and fraud； hardly more than a perfunctory denial of the fact was ever made in Congress； and meanwhile it was a source of jest and anecdote among members of all parties behind the scenes。 Republican members were bantered by Democratic colleagues upon the way in which provision for Republican party advantage in the South had actually given to the Democratic party a solid block of sure electoral votes。 The time at last came when a Southern Senator； Benjamin Tillman of South Carolina； blurted out in the open what had for years been common talk in private。 〃We took the government away；〃 be asserted。 〃We stuffed ballot boxes。 We shot them。 We are not ashamed of it。。。。 With that systemforce； tissue ballots； etc。we got tired ourselves。 So we called a constitutional convention； and we eliminated； as I said； all of the colored people we could under the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments。。。。 The brotherhood of man exists no longer； because you shoot negroes in Illinois； when they come in competition with your labor； and we shoot them in South Carolina； when they come in competition with us in the matter of elections。〃
Such a miscarriage of Republican policy was long a bitter grievance to the leaders of the party and incited them to action。 If they could have had their desire； they would have used stringent means to remedy the situation。 Measures to enforce the political rights of the freedmen were frequently agitated； but every force bill which was presented had to encounter a deep and pervasive opposition not confined by party lines but manifested even within the Republican party itself。 Party platforms insisted upon the issue； but public opinion steadily disregarded it。 Apparently a fine opportunity to redress this grievance was afforded by the election of President Harrison in 1888 upon a platform declaring that the national power of the Democratic party was due to 〃the suppression of the ballot by a criminal nullification of the Constitution and laws of the United States；〃 and demanding 〃effective legislation to secure integrity and purity of elections。〃 But； although they were victorious at the polls that year； the Republican leaders were unable to embody in legislation the ideal proposed in their platform。 Of the causes of this failure； George F。 Hoar gives an instructive account in his 〃Autobiography。〃 As chairman of the Senate committee on privileges and elections he was in a position to know all the details of the legislative attempts； the failure of which compelled the Republican leaders to acquiesce in the decision of public opinion against the old issues and in favor of new issues。
Senator Hoar relates that he made careful preparation of a bill for holding； under national authority； separate registrations and elections for members of Congress。 But when he consulted his party associates in the Senate he found most of them averse to an arrangement which would double the cost of elections and would require citizens to register at different times for federal elections and for state and municipal elections。 Senator Hoar thereupon abandoned that bill and prepared another which provided that； upon application to court showing reasonable grounds； the court should appoint officers from both parties to supervise the election。 The bill adopted a feature of electoral procedure which in England has had a salutary effect。 It was provided that in case of a dispute concerning an election certificate； the circuit court of the United States in which the district was situated should hear the case and should award a certificate entitling the one or other of the contestants to be placed on the clerk's roll and to serve until the House should act on the case。 Mr。 Hoar stated that the bill 〃deeply excited the whole country；〃 and went on to say that 〃some worthy Republican senators became alarmed。 They thought； with a good deal of reason； that it was better to allow existing evils and conditions to be cured by time； and the returning conscience and good sense of the people； rather than have the strife； the result of which must be quite doubtful； which the enactment and enforcement of this law； however moderate and just； would inevitably create。〃 The existence of this attitude of mind made party advocacy of the bill a hopeless undertaking and； though it was favorably reported on August 7； 1890； no further action was taken during that session。 At the December session it was taken up for consideration； but after a few days of debate a motion to lay it aside was carried by the Democrats with the assistance of enough Republicans to give them a majority。 This was the end of force bills； and during President Cleveland's second term the few remaining statutes giving authority for federal interference in such matters was repealed under the lead of Senator Hill of New York。 With the passage of this act； the Republican party leaders for the first time abandoned all purpose of attempting to secure by national legislation the political privileges of the negroes。 This determination was announced is the Senate by Mr。 Hoar and was assented to by Senator Chandler of New Hampshire； who had been a zealous champion of federal action。 According to Mr。 Hoar； 〃no Republican has dissented from it。〃
The facts upon which the force bill was based were so notorious and the bill itself was so moderate in its character that the general indifference of the public seemed to betray moral insensibility and emotional torpor。 Much could be said in favor of the bill。 This latest assertion of national authority in federal elections involved no new principle。 In legalistic complexion the proposed measure was of the same character as previous legislation dealing with this subject； instances of which are the Act of 1842； requiring the election of members of the House by districts； and the Act of 1866； regulating the election of United States Senators。 Fraudulent returns in congressional elections have always been a notorious evil； and the partisan way in which they are passed upon is still a gross blemish upon the constitutional system of the United States； and one which is likely never to be removed until the principle of judicial determination of electoral contests has been adopted in this country as it has been in England。 The truth of the matter appears to be that the public paid no attention to the merits of the bill。 It was viewed simply as a continuation of the radical reconstruction policy； the practical results of which had become