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House had voted for repeal。 The repeal bill passed the House by a vote of 172 to 67； and became law on March 3； 1887
President Cleveland had achieved a brilliant victory。 In the joust between him and Edmunds； in lists of his adversary's own contriving； he had held victoriously to his course while his opponent had been unhorsed。 The granite composure of Senator Edmunds' habitual mien did not permit any sign of disturbance to break through； but his position in the Senate was never again what it had been； and eventually he resigned his seat before the expiration of his term。 He retired from public life in 1891； at the age of sixty…three。
From the standpoint of the public welfare； it is to be noted that the issue turned on the maintenance of privilege rather than on the discharge of responsibility。 President Cleveland contended that he was not responsible to the Senate but to the people for the way in which he exercised his trusteeship。 But the phrase 〃the people〃 is an abstraction which has no force save as it receives concrete form in appropriate institutions。 It is the essential characteristic of a sound constitutional system that it supplies such institutions； so as to put executive authority on its good behavior by steady pressure of responsibility through full publicity and detailed criticism。 This result； the Senate fails to secure because it keeps trying to invade executive authority； and to seize the appointing power instead of seeking to enforce executive responsibility。 This point was forcibly put by 〃The Nation〃 when it said： 〃There is only one way of securing the presentation to the Senate of all the papers and documents which influence the President in making either removals or appointments； and that is a simple way； and one wholly within the reach of the Senators。 They have only to alter their rules； and make executive sessions as public as legislative sessions； in order to drive the President not only into making no nominations for which he cannot give creditable reasons； but into furnishing every creditable reason for the nomination which he may have in his possession。〃*
* 〃The Nation；〃 March 11； 1888。
During the struggle； an effort was made to bring about this very reform； under the lead of a Republican Senator； Orville H。 Platt of Connecticut。 On April 13；1886； he delivered a carefully prepared speech； based upon much research； in which he showed that the rule of secrecy in executive sessions could not claim the sanction of the founders of the government。 It is true that the Senate originally sat with closed doors for all sorts of business； but it discontinued the practice after a few years。 It was not until 1800； six years after the practice of public sessions had been adopted； that any rule of secrecy was applied to business transacted in executive sessions。 Senator Platt's motion to repeal this rule met with determined opposition on both sides of the chamber； coupled with an indisposition to discuss the matter。 When it came up for consideration on the 15th of December； Senator Hoar moved to lay it on the table； which was done by a vote of thirty…three to twenty…one。 Such prominent Democratic leaders as Gorman of Maryland and Vest of Missouri voted with Republican leaders like Evarts； Edmunds； Allison； and Harrison； in favor of Hoar's motion； while Hoar's own colleague； Senator Dawes； together with such eminent Republicans as Frye of Maine； Hawley of Connecticut； and Sherman of Ohio voted with Platt。 Thus； any party responsibility for the result was successfully avoided； and an issue of great constitutional importance was laid away without any apparent stir of popular sentiment。
CHAPTER V。 PARTY POLICY IN CONGRESS
While President Cleveland was successfully asserting his executive authority； the House of Representatives； too； was trying to assert its authority； but its choice of means was such that it was badly beaten and was reduced to a state of humble subordination from which it has never emerged。 Its traditional procedure was arranged on the theory that Congress ought to propose as well as to enact legislation； and to receive recommendations from all quarters without preference or discrimination。 Although the Constitution makes it the right and duty of the President to 〃recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient；〃 measures proposed by the Administration stand on the same footing under the rules as those proposed by the humblest citizen of the United States。 In both cases； they are allowed to reach Congress only in the form of a bill or resolution introduced by a member of Congress； and they go on the files without any distinction as to rank and position except such as pertains to them from the time and order in which they are introduced。 Under the rules； all measures are distributed among numerous committees； each having charge of a particular class； with power to report favorably or adversely。 Each committee is constituted as a section of the whole House； with a distribution of party representation corresponding to that which exists in the House。
Viewed as an ideal polity； the scheme has attractive features。 In practice； however； it is attended with great disadvantages。 Although the system was originally introduced with the idea that it would give the House of Representatives control over legislative business； the actual result has been to reduce this body to an impotence unparalleled among national representative assemblies in countries having constitutional government。 In a speech delivered on December 10； 1885； William M。 Springer of Illinois complained： 〃We find ourselves bound hand and foot； the majority delivering themselves over to the power of the minority that might oppose any particular measures； so that nothing could be done in the way of legislation except by unanimous consent or by a two…thirds vote。〃 As an instance of legislative paralysis； he related that 〃during the last Congress a very important bill； that providing for the presidential succession。。。 was reported from a committee of which I had the honor to be a member； and was placed on the calendar of the House on the 21st day of April； 1884； and that bill； which was favored by nearly the entire House； was permitted to die on the calendar because there never was a moment； when under the rules as they then existed； the bill could be reached and passed by the House。〃 During the whole of that session of Congress； the regular calendar was never reached。 〃Owing to the fact that we could not transact business under the rules； all business was done under unanimous consent or under propositions to suspend the rules upon the two Mondays in each month on which suspensions were allowed。〃 As a two…thirds majority was necessary to suspend the rules； any considerable minority had a veto power。
The standing committees； whose ostensible purpose was to prepare business for consideration； were characterized as legislative cemeteries。 Charles B。 Lore of Delaware； referring to the situation during the previous session； said： 〃The committees were formed； they met in their respective committee rooms day after day； week after week； working up the business which was committed to them by this House； and they reported to this House 8290 bills。 They came from the respective committees； and they were consigned to the calendars of this House； which became for them the tomb of the Capulets； most of them were never heard of afterward。 From the Senate there were 2700 bills。。。。 Nine tenths of the time of the committees of the Forty…eighth Congress was wasted。 We met week after week； month after month； and labored over the cases prepared； and reported bills to the House。 They were put upon the calendars and there were buried； to be brought in again and again in succeeding Congresses。〃
William D。 Kelley of Pennsylvania bluntly declared： 〃No legislation can be effectually originated outside the Committee on Appropriations； unless it be a bill which will command unanimous consent or a stray bill that may get a two…thirds vote； or a pension bill。〃 He explained that he excepted pension bills 〃because we have for several years by special order remitted the whole subject of pensions to a committee who bring in their bills at sessions held one night in each week； when ten or fifteen gentlemen decide what soldiers may have pensions and what soldiers may not。〃
The Democratic party found this situation extremely irritating when it came into power in the House。 It was unable to do anything of importance or even to define its own party policy； and in the session of Congress beginning in December； 1885； it sought to correct the situation by amending the rules。 In this undertaking it had sympathy and support on the Republican side。 The duress under which the House labored was pungently described by Thomas B。 Reed； who was just about that time revealing the ability that gained for him the Republican leadership。 In a speech； delivered on December 16； 1885； he declared： 〃For the last three Congresses the representatives of the people of the United States have been in irons。 They have been allowed to transact no public business except at the dictation and by the permission of a small coterie of gentlemen； who； while t