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the cleveland era-第16章

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 Soon after the personal appeal; which was made by the President to every Senator he could reach; action was finally taken and the appointment was confirmed January 16; 1888。

Senator Cullom's reminiscences also throw light upon the process by which judges are appointed。 President Cleveland had selected Melville W。 Fuller of Illinois for the office of chief justice of the Supreme Court。 According to Senator Cullom; Senator Edmunds 〃was very much out of humor with the President because he had fully expected that Judge Phelps; of his own State; was to receive the honor。。。。 The result was that Senator Edmunds held the nomination; without any action; in the Judiciary Committee for some three months。〃 Senator Cullom; although a party associate of Edmunds; was pleased that the President had selected an Illinois jurist and he was determined that; if he could help it; Edmunds should not have the New Hampshire candidate appointed。 He therefore appealed to the committee to do something about the nomination; either one way or the other。 The committee finally reported the nomination to the Senate without recommendation。 When the matter came up in executive session; 〃Senator Edmunds at once took the floor and attacked Judge Fuller most viciously as having sympathized with the rebellion。〃 But Cullom was primed to meet that argument。 He had been furnished with a copy of a speech attacking President Lincoln which Phelps had delivered during the war; and he now read it to the Senate; 〃much to the chagrin and mortification of Senator Edmunds。〃 Cullom relates that the Democrats in the Senate enjoyed the scene。 〃Naturally; it appeared to them a very funny performance; two Republicans quarreling over the confirmation of a Democrat。 They sat silent; however; and took no part at all in the debate; leaving us Republicans to settle it among ourselves。〃 The result of the Republican split was that the nomination of Fuller was confirmed 〃by a substantial majority。〃

Another nomination which caused much agitation at the time was that of James C。 Matthews of New York; to be Recorder of Deeds in the District of Columbia。 The office had been previously held by Frederick Douglass; a distinguished leader of the colored race; and in filling the vacancy the President believed it would be an exercise of wise and kindly consideration to choose a member of the same race。 But in the Washington community; there was such a strong antipathy to the importation of a negro politician from New York to fill a local office that a great clamor was raised; in which Democrats joined。 The Senate rejected the nomination; but meanwhile Mr。 Matthews had entered upon the duties of his office and he showed such tact and ability as gradually to soften the opposition。 On December 21;1886; President Cleveland renominated him; pointing out that he had been in actual occupation of the office for four months; managing its affairs with such ability as to remove 〃much of the opposition to his appointment which has heretofore existed。〃 In conclusion; the President confessed 〃a desire to cooperate in tendering to our colored fellow…citizens just recognition。〃 This was a shrewd argument。 The Republican majority in the Senate shrank from what might seem to be drawing the color line; and the appointment was eventually confirmed; but this did not remove the sense of grievance in Washington over the use of local offices for national party purposes。 Local sentiment in the District of Columbia is; however; politically unimportant; as the community has no means of positive action。*

* It is a singular fact; which contains matter for deep consideration; that the District of Columbia; the national capital; is the only populated area in the civilized world without any sort of suffrage rights。


In the same month in which President Cleveland issued his memorable special message to the Senate on the Tenure of Office Act; he began another struggle against congressional practice in which he was not so fortunate。 On March 10; 1886; he sent to Congress the first of his pension vetoes。 Although liberal provision for granting pensions had been made by general laws; numerous special applications were made directly to Congress; and congressmen were solicited to secure favorable consideration for them。 That it was the duty of a representative to support an application from a resident of his district; was a doctrine enforced by claim agents with a pertinacity from which there was no escape。 To attempt to assume a judicial attitude in the matter was politically dangerous; and to yield assent was a matter of practical convenience。 Senator Cullom relates that when he first became a member of the committee on pensions he was 〃a little uneasy〃 lest he 〃might be too liberal。〃 But he was guided by the advice of an old; experienced Congressman; Senator Sawyer of Wisconsin; who told him: 〃You need not worry; you cannot very well make a mistake allowing liberal pensions to the soldier boys。 The money will get back into the Treasury very soon。〃

The feeling that anything that the old soldiers wanted should be granted was even stronger in the House; where about the only opportunity of distinction allowed by the procedure was to champion these local demands upon the public treasury。 It was indeed this privilege of passing pension bills which partially reconciled members of the House to the actual control of legislative opportunity by the Speaker and the chairmen of a few dominating committees。 It was a congressional perquisite to be allowed to move the passage of so many bills; enactment followed as a matter; of course。 President Cleveland made a pointed reference to this process in a veto message of June 21; 1886。 He observed that the pension bills had only 〃an apparent Congressional sanction〃 for the fact was that 〃a large proportion of these bills have never been submitted to a majority of either branch of Congress; but are the results of nominal sessions held for the express purpose of their consideration and attended by a small minority of the members of the respective houses of the legislative branch of government。〃

Obviously; the whole system of pension legislation was faulty。 Mere individual effort on the part of the President to screen the output of the system was scarcely practicable; even if it were congruous with the nature of the President's own duties; but nevertheless Cleveland attempted it; and kept at it with stout perseverance。 One of his veto messages remarks that in a single day nearly 240 special pension bills were presented to him。 He referred them to the Pension Bureau for examination and the labor involved was so great that they could not be returned to him until within a few hours of the limit fixed by the Constitution for the President's assent。

There could be no more signal proof of President Cleveland's constancy of soul than the fact that he was working hard at his veto forge; with the sparks falling thickly around; right in his honeymoon。 He married Miss Frances Folsom of Buffalo on June 2; 1886。 The ceremony took place in the White House; and immediately thereafter; the President and his charming bride went to Deer Park; Maryland; a mountain resort。 The respite from official cares was brief; on June 8th; the couple returned to Washington and some of the most pugnacious of the pension vetoes were sent to Congress soon after。 The rest of his public life was passed under continual storm; but the peace and happiness of his domestic life provided a secure refuge。

On the other hand; the rebuffs which Democratic Congressmen received in the matter of pension legislation were; it must be admitted; peculiarly exasperating。 Reviewing the work of the Forty…ninth Congress; 〃The Nation〃 mentioned three enactments which it characterized as great achievements that should be placed to the credit of Congress。 Those were the act regulating the presidential succession; approved January 18; 1886; the act regulating the counting of the electoral votes; approved February 3; 1887; and the repeal of the Tenure of Office Act; approved March 3; 1887。 But all three measures originated in the Senate; and the main credit for their enactment might be claimed by the Republican party。 There was some ground for the statement that they would have been enacted sooner but for the disturbance of legislative routine by political upheavals in the House; and certainly no one could pretend that it was to get these particular measures passed that the Democratic party was raised to power。 The main cause of the political revolution of 1884 had been the continuance of war taxes; producing revenues that were not only not needed but were positively embarrassing to the Government。 Popular feeling over the matter was so strong that even the Republican party had felt bound to put into its national platform; in 1884; a pledge 〃to correct the irregularities of the tariff and to reduce the surplus。〃 The people; however; believed that the Republican party had already been given sufficient opportunity; and they now turned to the Democratic party for relief。 The rank and file of this party felt acutely; therefore; that they were not accomplishing what the people expected。 Members arrived in Washington full of good intentions。 They found themselve
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