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re made。 The tariff commission had recommended； for example； a duty of fifty cents a ton on iron ore； and both the Senate and the House voted to put the duty at that figure； but the conference committee fixed the rate at seventy…five cents。 When a conference committee report comes before the House； it is adopted or rejected in toto； as it is not divisible or amendable。 In theory； the revision of a report is feasible by sending it back to conference under instructions voted by the House； but such a procedure is not really available in the closing hours of a session； and the only practical course of action is either to pass the bill as shaped by the conferees or else to accept the responsibility for inaction。 Thus pressed for time； Congress passed a bill containing features obnoxious to a majority in both Houses and offensive to public opinion。 Senator Sherman in his 〃Recollections〃 expressed regret that he had voted for the bill and declared that； had the recommendations of the tariff commission been adopted； 〃the tariff would have been settled for many years；〃 but 〃many persons wishing to advance their particular industries appeared before the committee and succeeded in having their views adopted。〃 In his annual message； December 4； 1883； President Arthur accepted the act as a response to the demand for a reduction of taxation； which was sufficiently tolerable to make further effort inexpedient until its effects could be definitely ascertained； but he remarked that he had 〃no doubt that still further reductions may be wisely made。〃
In general； President Arthur's administration may therefore be accurately described as a period of political groping and party fluctuation。 In neither of the great national parties was there a sincere and definite attitude on the new issues which were clamorous for attention； and the public discontent was reflected in abrupt changes of political support。 There was a general feeling of distrust regarding the character and capacity of the politicians at Washington； and election results were apparently dictated more by fear than by hope。 One party would be raised up and the other party cast down； not because the one was trusted more than the other； but because it was for a while less odious。 Thus a party success might well be a prelude to a party disaster because neither party knew how to improve its political opportunity。 The record of party fluctuation in Congress during this period is almost unparalleled in sharpness。*
* In 1875； at the opening of the Forty…fourth Congress； the House stood 110 Republicans and 182 Democrats。 In 1881； the House stood 150 Republicans to 131 Democrats； with 12 Independent members。 In 1884； the Republican list had declined to 119 and the Democratic had grown to 201； and there were five Independents。 The Senate； although only a third of its membership is renewed every two years； displayed extraordinary changes during this period。 The Republican membership of 46 in 1876 had declined to 33 by 1880； and the Democratic membership had increased to 42。 In 1882； the Senate was evenly balanced in party strength； each party having 37 avowed adherents； but there were two Independents。
In state politics； the polling showed that both parties were disgusted with their leadership and that there was a public indifference to issues which kept people away from the polls。 A comparison of the total vote cast in state elections in 1882 with that cast in the presidential election of 1880； showed a decline of over eight hundred thousand in the Republican vote and of nearly four hundred thousand in the Democratic vote。 The most violent of the party changes that took place during this period occurred in the election of 1882； in New York State； when the Republican vote showed a decline of over two hundred thousand and the Democratic candidate for Governor was elected by a plurality of nearly that amount。 It was this election which brought Grover Cleveland into national prominence。
CHAPTER III。 THE ADVENT OF CLEVELAND
Popular dissatisfaction with the behavior of public authority had not up to this time extended to the formal Constitution。 Schemes of radical rearrangement of the political institutions of the country had not yet been agitated。 New party movements were devoted to particular measures such as fresh greenback issues or the prohibition of liquor traffic。 Popular reverence for the Constitution was deep and strong； and it was the habit of the American people to impute practical defects not to the governmental system itself but to the character of those acting in it。 Burke； as long ago as 1770； remarked truly that 〃where there is a regular scheme of operations carried on； it is the system and not any individual person who acts in it that is truly dangerous。〃 But it is an inveterate habit of public opinion to mistake results for causes and to vent its resentment upon persons when misgovernment occurs。 That disposition was bitterly intense at this period。 〃Turn the rascals out〃 was the ordinary campaign slogan of an opposition party； and calumny formed the staple of its argument。 Of course no party could establish exclusive proprietorship to such tactics； and whichever party might be in power in a particular locality was cast for the villain's part in the political drama。 But as changes of party control took place； experience taught that the only practical result was to introduce new players into the same old game。 Such experience spread among the people a despairing feeling that American politics were hopelessly depraved； and at the same time it gave them a deep yearning for some strong deliverer。 To this messianic hope of politics may be ascribed what is in some respects the most remarkable career in the political history of the United States。 The rapid and fortuitous rise of Grover Cleveland to political eminence is without a parallel in the records of American statesmanship； notwithstanding many instances of public distinction attained from humble beginnings。
The antecedents of Cleveland were Americans of the best type。 He was descended from a colonial stock which had settled in the Connecticut Valley。 His earliest ancestor of whom there is any exact knowledge was Aaron Cleveland； an Episcopal clergyman； who died at East Haddam； Connecticut； in 1757； after founding a family which in every generation furnished recruits to the ministry。 It argues a hereditary disposition for independent judgment that among these there was a marked variation in denominational choice。 Aaron Cleveland was so strong in his attachment to the Anglican church that to be ordained he went to Englandunder the conditions of travel in those days a hard； serious undertaking。 His son； also named Aaron； became a Congregational minister。 Two of the sons of the younger Aaron became ministers； one of them an Episcopalian like his grandfather。 Another son； William； who became a prosperous silversmith； was for many years a deacon in the church in which his father preached。 William sent his second son； Richard； to Yale； where he graduated with honors at the age of nineteen。 He turned to the Presbyterian church； studied theology at Princeton； and upon receiving ordination began a ministerial career which like that of many preachers was carried on in many pastorates。 He was settled at Caldwell； New Jersey； in his third pastorate； and there Stephen Grover Cleveland was born； on March 18； 1837； the fifth in a family of children that eventually increased to nine。 He was named after the Presbyterian minister who was his father's predecessor。 The first name soon dropped out of use； and from childhood he went by his middle name； a practice of which the Clevelands supply so many instances that it seems to be quite a family trait。
In campaign literature； so much has been made of the humble circumstances in which Grover made his start in life that the unwary reader might easily imagine that the future President was almost a waif。 Nothing could be farther from the truth。 He really belonged to the most authentic aristocracy that any state of society can producethat which maintains its standards and principles from generation to generation by the integrity of the stock without any endowment of wealth。 The Clevelands were people who reared large families and sustained themselves with dignity and credit on narrow means。 It was a settled tradition with such republican aristocrats that a son destined for a learned professionusually the ministryshould be sent to college； and for that purpose heroic economies were practiced in the family。 The opportunities which wealth can confer are really trivial in comparison with the advantage of being born and reared in such bracing conditions as those which surrounded Grover Cleveland。 As a boy he was a clerk in a country store； but his education was not neglected and at the age of fifteen he was studying； with a view to entering college。 His father's death ended that prospect and forced him to go to work again to help support the family。 Some two years later； when the family circumstances were sufficiently eased so that he could strike out for himself； he set off westward； intending to reach Cleveland。 Arriving at Buffalo； he called upon a married aunt； who； on learning that he was planning t