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* The allusion was to the Mulligan letters； which had been made public by Mr。 Blaine himself when it had been charged that they contained evidence of corrupt business dealings。 The disclosure bad been made four years before and ample opportunity had existed for instituting proceedings if the case warranted it； but nothing was done except to nurse the scandal for campaign use。
Notwithstanding the exceptional violence and novel ingenuity of the attacks made upon him； Blaine met them with such ability and address that everywhere he augmented the ordinary strength of his party； and his eventual defeat was generally attributed to an untoward event among his own adherents at the close of the campaign。 At a political reception in the interest of Blaine among New York clergymen； the Reverend Dr。 Burchard spoke of the Democratic party as 〃the party of rum； Romanism； and rebellion。〃 Unfortunately Blaine did not hear him distinctly enough to repudiate this slur upon the religious belief of millions of American citizens； and alienation of sentiment caused by the tactless and intolerant remark could easily account for Blaine's defeat by a small margin。 He was only 1149 votes behind Cleveland in New York in a poll of over 1；125；000 votes； and only 23；005 votes behind in a national poll of over 9；700；000 votes for the leading candidates。 Of course Cleveland in his turn was a target of calumny； and in his case the end of the campaign did not bring the customary relief。 He was pursued to the end of his public career by active； ingenious； resourceful； personal spite and steady malignity of political opposition from interests whose enmity he had incurred while Governor of New York。
The situation which confronted Cleveland when he became President was so complicated and embarrassing that perhaps even the most sagacious and resourceful statesman could not have coped with it successfully； though it is the characteristic of genius to accomplish the impossible。 But Cleveland was no genius； he was not even a man of marked talent。 He was stanch； plodding； laborious； and dutiful； but he was lacking in ability to penetrate to the heart of obscure political problems and to deal with primary causes rather than with effects。 The great successes of his administration were gained in particular problems whose significance had already been clearly defined。 In this field； Cleveland's resolute and energetic performance of duty had splendid results。
At the time of Cleveland's inauguration as President； the Senate claimed an extent of authority which； if allowed to go unchallenged； would have turned the Presidency into an office much like that of the doge of Venice； one of ceremonial dignity without real power。 〃The Federalist〃that matchless collection of constitutional essays written by Hamilton； Madison； and Jaylaid down the doctrine that 〃against the enterprising ambition〃 of the legislative department 〃the people ought to indulge all their jealousy and exhaust all their precautions。〃 But some of the precautions taken in framing the Constitution proved ineffectual from the start。 The right conferred upon the President to recommend to the consideration of Congress 〃such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient；〃 was emptied of practical importance by the success of Congress in interpreting it as meaning no more than that the President may request Congress to take a subject into consideration。 In practice； Congress considers only such measures as are recommended by its own committees。 The framers of the Constitution took special pains to fortify the President's position by the veto power； which is treated at length in the Constitution。 By a special clause； the veto power was extended to 〃every order； resolution or vote。。。 except on a question of adjournment〃a clause which apparently should enable the President to strike off the 〃riders〃 continually put upon appropriation bills to coerce executive action； but no President has ventured to exercise this authority。 Although the Senate was joined to the President as an advisory council in appointments to office； it was explained in 〃The Federalist〃 that 〃there will be no exertion of choice on the part of Senators。〃 Nevertheless； the Senate has claimed and exercised the right to dictate appointments。 While thus successfully encroaching upon the authority of the President； the Senate had also been signally successful in encroaching upon the authority of the House。 The framers of the Constitution anticipated for the House a masterful career like that of the House of Commons； and they feared that the Senate could not protect itself in the discharge of its own functions； so； although the traditional principle that all revenue bills should originate in the House was taken over into the Constitution； it was modified by the proviso that 〃the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other bills。〃 This right to propose amendments has been improved by the Senate until the prerogative of the House has been reduced to an empty form。 Any money bill may be made over by amendment in the Senate； and when contests have followed； the Senate has been so successful in imposing its will upon the House that the House has acquired the habit of submission。 Not long before the election of Cleveland； as has been pointed out； this habitual deference of the House had enabled the Senate to originate a voluminous tariff act in the form of an amendment to the Internal Revenue Bill voted by the House。
In addition to these extensions of power through superior address in management； the ascendancy of the Senate was fortified by positive law。 In 1867； when President Johnson fell out with the Republican leaders in Congress； a Tenure of Office Act was passed over his veto； which took away from the President the power of making removals except by permission of the Senate。 In 1869； when Johnson's term had expired； a bill for the unconditional repeal of this law passed the House with only sixteen votes in the negative； but the Senate was able to force a compromise act which perpetuated its authority over removals。* President Grant complained of this act as 〃being inconsistent with a faithful and efficient administration of the government；〃 but with all his great fame and popularity he was unable to induce the Senate to relinquish the power it had gained。
* The Act of April 5； 1869； required the President； within thirty days after the opening of the sessions； to nominate persons for all vacant offices； whether temporarily filled or not； and in place of all officers who may have been suspended during the recess of the Senate。
This law was now invoked by Republicans as a means of counteracting the result of the election。 Such was the feeling of the times that partisanship could easily masquerade as patriotism。 Republicans still believed that as saviors of the Union they had a prescriptive right to the government。 During the campaign； Eugene Field； the famous Western poet； had given a typical expression of this sentiment in some scornful verses concluding with this defiant notice：
These quondam rebels come today In penitential form； And hypocritically say The country needs 〃Reform！〃 Out on reformers such as these； By Freedom's sacred powers； We'll run the country as we please； We saved it； and it's ours。
Although the Democratic party had won the Presidency and the House； the Republicans still retained control of the Senate； and they were expected as a matter of course to use their powers for party advantage。 Some memorable struggles； rich in constitutional precedents； issued from these conditions。
CHAPTER IV。 A CONSTITUTIONAL CRISIS
As soon as Cleveland was seated in the presidential chair； he had to deal with a tremendous onslaught of office seekers。 In ordinary business affairs； a man responsible for general policy and management would never be expected to fritter away his time and strength in receiving applicants for employment。 The fact that such servitude is imposed upon the President of the United States shows that American political arrangements are still rather barbaric； for such usages are more suitable to some kinglet seated under a tree to receive the petitions of his tribesmen than they are to a republican magistrate charged with the welfare of millions of people distributed over a vast continent。 Office seekers apparently regard themselves as a privileged class with a right of personal access to the President； and any appearances of aloofness or reserve on his part gives sharp offense。 The exceptional force of such claims of privilege in the United States may be attributed to the participation which members of Congress have acquired in the appointing power。 The system thus created imposes upon the President the duties of an employment agent； and at the same time engages Congressmen in continual occupation as office brokers。 The President cannot deny himself to Congressmen； since he is dependent upon their favor for opportunity to get legislative consideration for his measures。
It was inevitable that numerous changes in office should take place when the Democratic party came into power； after being excluded for twenty…four years。 It may be admitted that； in a sound constitutional system； a change of m