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ounded。 The women succeeded neither to the crown of France nor to the empire； because at the foundation of those two monarchies they were incapable of succeeding to fiefs。 But they succeeded in kingdoms whose foundation was posterior to that of the perpetuity of the fiefs； such as those founded by the Normans； those by the conquests made on the Moors； and others； in fine； which were beyond the limits of Germany； and in later times received in some measure a second birth by the establishment of Christianity。
When these fiefs were at will； they were given to such as were capable of doing service for them； and； therefore； were never bestowed on minors； but when they became perpetual； the lords took the fief into their own hands； till the pupil came of age； either to increase their own emoluments； or to train the ward to the use of arms。＇213＇ This is what our customs call the guardianship of a nobleman's children； which is founded on principles different from those of tutelage； and is entirely a distinct thing from it。
When the fiefs were for life； it was customary to vow fealty for a fief； and the real delivery； which was made by a sceptre； confirmed the fief； as it is now confirmed by homage。 We do not find that the counts； or even the king's commissaries； received the homage in the provinces； nor is this ceremony to be met with in the commissions of those officers which have been handed down to us in the Capitularies。 They sometimes； indeed； made all the king's subjects take an oath of allegiance；＇214＇ but so far was this oath from being of the same nature as the service afterwards established by the name of homage； that it was only a cere…money of less solemnity； occasionally used； either before or after that act of obeisance； in short； it was quite a distinct thing from homage。＇215＇
The counts and the king's commissaries further made those vassals whose fidelity was suspected give occasionally a security； which was called firmitas；＇216＇ but this security could not be an homage； since kings gave it to each other。＇217＇
And though the Abbot Suger＇218＇ makes mention of a chair of Dagobert； in which according to the testimony of antiquity； the kings of France were accustomed to receive the homage of the nobility； it is plain that he expresses himself agreeably to the ideas and language of his own time。
When the fiefs descended to the heirs； the acknowledgment of the vassal； which at first was only an occasional service； became a regular duty。 It was performed in a more splendid manner； and attended with more formalities； because it was to be a perpetual memorial of the reciprocal duties of the lord and vassal。
I should be apt to think that homages began to be established under King Pepin； which is the time I mentioned that several benefices were given in perpetuity； but I should not think thus without caution； and only upon a supposition that the authors of the ancient annals of the Franks were not ignorant pretenders；＇219＇ who in describing the fealty professed by Tassillon； Duke of Bavaria； to King Pepin； spoke according to the usages of their own time。＇220＇
34。 The same Subject continued。 When the fiefs were either precarious or for life； they seldom bore a relation to any other than the political laws； for which reason in the civil institutions of those times there is very little mention made of the laws of fiefs。 But when they became hereditary； when there was a power of giving； selling； and bequeathing them； they bore a relation both to the political and the civil laws。 The fief； considered as an obligation of performing military service； depended on the political law； considered as a kind of commercial property； it depended on the civil law。 This gave rise to the civil regulations concerning feudal tenures。
When the fiefs became hereditary； the law relating to the order of succession must have been in relation to the perpetuity of fiefs。 Hence this rule of the French law； estates of inheritance do not ascend；＇221＇ was established in spite of the Roman and Salic laws。＇222＇ It was necessary that service should be paid for the fief； but a grandfather or a great…uncle would have been too old to perform any service； this rule thus held good at first only in regard to the feudal tenures； as we learn from Boutillier。＇223＇
When the fiefs became hereditary； the lords who were to see that service was paid for the fief； insisted that the females who were to succeed to the feudal estate； and I fancy sometimes the males； should not marry without their consent； insomuch that the marriage contracts became in respect to the nobility both of a feudal and a civil regulation。＇224＇ In an act of this kind under the lord's inspection； regulations were made for the succession； with the view that the heirs might pay service for the fief： hence none but the nobility at first had the liberty of disposing of successions by marriage contract； as Boyer＇225＇ and Aufrerius＇226＇ have observed。
It is needless to mention that the power of redemption； founded on the old right of the relatives； a mystery of our ancient French jurisprudence I have not time to unravel； could not take place with regard to the fiefs till they became perpetual。
Italiam； Italiam 。 。 。＇227＇
I finish my treatise of fiefs at a period where most authors commence theirs。
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1。 Gregory of Tours； iv。 42。
2。 Chapter 7。
3。 Fredegarius； Chronicle； 42。
4。 Clotharius II； son of Chilperic； and the father of Dagobert。
5。 Fredegarius； Chronicle； 42。
6。 See Gregory of Tours； viii。 31。
7。 Fredegarius； Chronicle； 27； in the year 605。
8。 Ibid。； 28； in the year 607。
9。 Ibid。； 41； in the year 613。
10。 Ibid。； 42； in the year 613。
11。 Some time after Brunehault's execution； in the year 615。 See Baluzius's edition of the Capitularies； p。 21。
12。 Ibid。； art。 16。
13。 Ibid。
14。 Ibid。； art。 17。
15。 Ibid。； art。 1。
16。 Ibid。； art。 8。
17。 Ibid。； art。 9。
18。 Ibid。； art。 21。
19。 They were orders which the king sent to the judges to do or to tolerate things contrary to law。
20。 See Gregory of Tours； iv； p。 227。 Both our history and the charters are full of this； and the extent of these abuses appears especially in Clotharius' constitution； inserted in the edition of the Capitularies made to reform them。 Baluzius's edition； p。 7。
21。 Ibid。； art。 22。
22。 Ibid。； art 6。
23。 Ibid。； art。 18。
24。 In Baluzius's edition of the Capitularies； i。 p。 7。
25。 In the preceding book I have made mention of these immunities； which were grants of judicial rights； and contained prohibitions to the regal judges to perform any function in the territory； and were equivalent to the erection or grant of a fief。
26。 He began to reign towards the year 670。
27。 See the Life of St。 Leger。
28。 Instigante Brunihault； Theodorico jubente； &c。 Fredegarius； 27； in the year 605。
29。 Gesta regum Francorum； 36。
30。 See Fredegarius； Chronicle； 54； in the year 626； and his anonymous continuator； 101； in the year 695； and 105； in the year 715。 Aimoin； iv。 15； Eginhard。 Life of Charlemagne； 48。 Gesta regum Francorum； 45。
31。 See the Law of the Burgundians； pref。； and the second supplement to this law； tit。 13。
32。 See Gregory of Tours； ix。 36。
33。 Fredegarius； Chronicle； 44； in the year 626。
34。 Fredegarius； Chronicle； 68； in the year 630。
35。 Fredegarius； Chronicle； 75； in the year 632。
36。 Fredegarius； Chronicle； 79； in the year 638。
37。 Ibid。
38。 Ibid。； 80； in the year 639。
39。 Fredegarius； Chronicle； 89； in the year 641。
40。 Ibid。
41。 De Majoribus Domus Regi？。
42。 De Moribus Germanorum； 7。
43。 See Sulpicius Alexander； in Gregory of Tours； ii。
44。 In the year 552。
45。 Agathias； i。 Gregory of Tours； iv。 9。
46。 Gontram did not even march against Gondovald； who styled himself son of Clotharius； and claimed his share of the kingdom。
47。 Sometimes to the number of twenty。 See Gregory of Tours； v。 27； viii。 28 and 30； x。 3。 Dagobert； who had no mayor in Burgundy； observed the same policy； and sent against the Gascons ten dukes and several counts who Lad no dukes over them。 Fredegarius； Chronicle； 78； in the year 636。
48。 Gregory of Tours； viii。 30； and x。 3。
49。 Ibid。； viii。 30。
50。 See the second supplement to the law of the Burgundians； tit。 13； and Gregory of Tours； ix。 36。
51。 See the Annals of Metz； years 687 and 688。
52。 Ibid。； year 695。
53。 Ibid。； year 719。
54。 Ibid。
55。 Ex chronico Centulensi； ii。
56。 Annals of Metz； year 691。 Annals of Fulda； or of Laurishan； Pippinus dux Francorum obtinuit regnum Francorum per annos 27； cum regibus sibi subjectis。
57。 The anonymous continuator of Fredegarius； 104； in the year 714。
58。 Cited by Gregory of Tours； ix。 See also the edict of Clotharius II； in the year 615； art。 16。
59。 See the 24th and the 34th of the first book。
60。 See the 14th formula of the first book； which is equally applicable to the fiscal estates given direct in perpetuity； or given at first as a benefice； and afterwards in perpetuity。 See also the 17th formula； ibid。
61。 Book i； form。 13。
62。 Tit。 44。 See also tit。 66； §§ 3； 4； and tit。 74。
63。 Tit。 11。
64。 See also the law of the Ripuarians； tit。 7； and the Salic law； tit