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ld be suspended； and the people agreed to it。 Livy； dec。 5； ii。
49。 They extorted it from the senate； says Freinshemius； dec。 2； vi。
50。 There is no manner of doubt but the consuls had the power of trying civil causes before the creation of the pr？tors。 See Livy； dec。 l； ii。 1； Dionysius Halicarnassus； x； pp。 627； 645。
51。 The tribunes frequently tried causes by themselves only； but nothing rendered them more odious。 Dionysius Halicarnassus； xi； p。 709。
52。 Judicia extraordinaria。 See the Institutes； iv。
53。 Book vi； p。 360。
54。 Album Judicium。
55。 〃Our ancestors；〃 says Cicero； Pro Cluentio； 〃would not suffer any man whom the parties had not agreed to； to be judge of the least pecuniary affair； much less of a citizen's reputation。〃
56。 See in the fragments of the Servilian； Cornelian； and other laws； in what manner these laws appointed judges for the crimes they proposed to punish。 They were often pitched upon by choice； sometimes by lot； or； in fine； by lot mixed together with choice。
57。 Seneca； De Benefic。 iii。 7； in fine。
58。 See Quintilian； iv； p。 54； in fol。 ed。； Paris； 1541。
59。 Leg。 2 ff。 de orig。 jur。 Magistrates who were called decemvirs presided in court； the whole under a pr？tor's direction。
60。 Quoniam de capite civis Romani； injussu populi Romani； non erat permissum consulibus jus dicere。 See Pomponius；Leg。 2； §6； ff。 de orig。 jur。
61。 Dionysius Halicarnassus； v； p。 322。
62。 The comitia by centuries。 Thus Manlius Capitolinus was tried in these comitia。 Livy； Dec。 1； vi。 20。
63。 Pomponius； in Leg。 2； Dig。； de orig。 jur。
64。 See a fragment of Ulpian； who gives another of the Cornelian Law： it is to be met with in the Collation of the Mosaic and Roman Laws； tit。 i； De Sicariis et homicidiis。
65。 This took place； especially in regard to crimes committed in Italy； which were subject chiefly to the inspection of the senate。 See Livy； Dec。 1； ix； 26； concerning the conspiracies at Capua。
66。 This was the case in the prosecution for the murder of Posthumius； in the year 340 of Rome。 See Livy； iv。 50。
67。 This judgment was passed in the year of Rome 567。
68。 Book viii。
69。 Cicero； in Brutus。
70。 This is proved from Livy； book xliii。 46； who says that Hannibal rendered their magistracy annual。
71。 The senatus…consultums were in force for the space of a year； though not confirmed by the people。 Dionysius Halicarnassus ix； p。 595； xi； p。 735。
72。 In the year 630。
73。 Capite censos plerosque。 Sallust； De Bello Jugurth； 84。
74。 Fragment of this author； xxxvi； in the collection of Constantine Porphyrogenitus； Of Virtues and Vices ＇Historica＇。
75。 Fragment of his history； taken from the extract Of Virtues and Vices ＇Historica＇。
76。 Fragment of the book xxxiv in the extract Of Virtues and Vices ＇Historica＇。
77。 Penes quos Rom？ tum judicia erant； atque ex equestri ordine solerent sortito judices eligi in causa Pr？torum et Proconsulum； quibus post administratam provinciam dies dicta erat。
78。 They made their edicts upon entering the provinces。
79。 Book v。 19。 See also ii； iii； iv； and v。
80。 After the conquest of Macedonia the Romans paid no taxes。
81。 Speech taken from Trogus Pompeius； and related by Justin； xxxviii。 4。
82。 See the orations against Verres。
83。 It is well known what sort of a tribunal was that of Varus； which provoked the Germans to revolt。
Book XII。 Of the Laws That Form Political Liberty； in Relation to the Subject
1。 Idea of this Book。 It is not sufficient to have treated of political liberty in relation to the constitution； we must examine it likewise in the relation it bears to the subject。
We have observed that in the former case it arises from a certain distribution of the three powers； but in the latter； we must consider it in another light。 It consists in security； or in the opinion people have of their security。
The constitution may happen to be free； and the subject not。 The subject may be free； and not the constitution。 In those cases； the constitution will be free by right； and not in fact； the subject will be free in fact； and not by right。
It is the disposition only of the laws； and even of the fundamental laws； that constitutes liberty in relation to the constitution。 But as it regards the subject： manners； customs； or received examples may give rise to it； and particular civil laws may encourage it； as we shall presently observe。
Further； as in most states liberty is more checked or depressed than their constitution requires； it is proper to treat of the particular laws that in each constitution are apt to assist or check the principle of liberty which each state is capable of receiving。
2。 Of the Liberty of the Subject。 Philosophic liberty consists in the free exercise of the will； or at least； if we must speak agreeably to all systems； in an opinion that we have the free exercise of our will。 Political liberty consists in security； or； at least； in the opinion that we enjoy security。
This security is never more dangerously attacked than in public or private accusations。 It is； therefore； on the goodness of criminal laws that the liberty of the subject principally depends。
Criminal laws did not receive their full perfection all at once。 Even in places where liberty has been most sought after； it has not been always found。 Aristotle＇1＇ informs us that at Cum？ the parents of the accuser might be witnesses。 So imperfect was the law under the kings of Rome that Servius Tullius pronounced sentence against the children of Ancus Martius； who were charged with having assassinated the king； his father…in…law。＇2＇ Under the first kings of France； Clotarius made a law＇3＇ that nobody should be condemned without being heard； which shows that a contrary custom had prevailed in some particular case or among some barbarous people。 It was Charondas that first established penalties against false witnesses。＇4＇ When the subject has no fence to secure his innocence； he has none for his liberty。
The knowledge already acquired in some countries； or that may be hereafter attained in others； concerning the surest rules to be observed in criminal judgments； is more interesting to mankind than any other thing in the world。
Liberty can be founded on the practice of this knowledge only； and supposing a state to have the best laws imaginable in this respect； a person tried under that state； and condemned to be hanged the next day； would have much more liberty than a pasha enjoys in Turkey。
3。 The same Subject continued。 Those laws which condemn a man to death on the deposition of a single witness are fatal to liberty。 In reason there should be two； because a witness who affirms； and the accused who denies； make an equal balance； and a third must incline the scale。
The Greeks＇5＇ and Romans＇6＇ required one voice more to condemn： but our French laws insist upon two。 The Greeks pretend that their custom was established by the gods；＇7＇ but this more justly may be said of ours。
4。 That Liberty is favoured by the Nature and Proportion of Punishments。 Liberty is in perfection when criminal laws derive each punishment from the particular nature of the crime。 There are then no arbitrary decisions； the punishment does not flow from the capriciousness of the legislator； but from the very nature of the thing； and man uses no violence to man。
There are four sorts of crimes。 Those of the first species are prejudicial to religion； the second to morals； the third to the public tranquillity； and the fourth to the security of the subject。 The punishments inflicted for these crimes ought to proceed from the nature of each of these species。
In the class of crimes that concern religion； I rank only those which attack it directly； such as all simple sacrileges。 For as to crimes that disturb the exercise of it； they are of the nature of those which prejudice the tranquillity or security of the subject； and ought to be referred to those classes。
In order to derive the punishment of simple sacrileges from the nature of the thing；＇8＇ it should consist in depriving people of the advantages conferred by religion in expelling them out of the temples； in a temporary or perpetual exclusion from the society of the faithful； in shunning their presence； in execrations； comminations； and conjurations。
In things that prejudice the tranquillity or security of the state； secret actions are subject to human jurisdiction。 But in those which offend the Deity； where there is no public act； there can be no criminal matter； the whole passes between man and God； who knows the measure and time of His vengeance。 Now if magistrates； confounding things； should inquire also into hidden sacrileges； this inquisition would be directed to a kind of action that does not at all require it： the liberty of the subject would be subverted by arming the zeal of timorous as well as of presumptuous consciences against him。
The mischief arises from a notion which some people have entertained of revenging the cause of the Deity。 But we must honour the Deity and leave him to avenge his own cause。 And； indeed； were we to be directed by such a notion； where would be the end of punishments？ If human laws are to avenge the cause of an in