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the science of right-第31章

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in the state; being constituted by the relation of one; as king; to

the people; so that there is one only who is the lawgiver。 An

aristocracy; as a form of government; is; however; compounded of the

union of two relations: that of the nobles in relation to one

another as the lawgivers; thereby constituting the sovereignty; and

that of this sovereign power to the people。 A democracy; again; is the

most complex of all the forms of the state; for it has to begin by

uniting the will of all so as to form a people; and then it has to

appoint a sovereign over this common union; which sovereign is no

other than the united will itself。 The consideration of the ways in

which these forms are adulterated by the intrusion of violent and

illegitimate usurpers of power; as in oligarchy and ochlocracy; as

well as the discussion of the so called mixed constitutions; may be

passed over here as not essential; and as leading into too much

detail。

  As regards the administration of right in the state; it may be

said that the simplest mode is also the best; but as regards its

bearing on right itself; it is also the most dangerous for the people;

in view of the despotism to which simplicity of administration so

naturally gives rise。 It is undoubtedly a rational maxim to aim at

simplification in the machinery which is to unite the people under

compulsory laws; and this would be secured were all the people to be

passive and to obey only one person over them; but the method would

not give subjects who were also citizens of the state。 It is sometimes

said that the people should be satisfied with the reflection that

monarchy; regarded as an autocracy; is the best political

constitution; if the monarch is good; that is; if be has the judgement

as well as the will to do right。 But this is a mere evasion and

belongs to the common class of wise tautological phrases。 It only

amounts to saying that 〃the best constitution is that by which the

supreme administrator of the state is made the best ruler〃; that is;

that the best constitution is the best!



              52。 Historical Origin and Changes。

         A Pure Republic。 Representative Government。



  It is vain to inquire into the historical origin of the political

mechanism; for it is no longer possible to discover historically the

point of time at which civil society took its beginning。 Savages do

not draw up a documentary record of their having submitted

themselves to law; and it may be inferred from the nature of

uncivilized men that they must have set out from a state of

violence。 To prosecute such an inquiry in the intention of finding a

pretext for altering the existing constitution by violence is no

less than penal。 For such a mode of alteration would amount to

revolution; that could only be carried out by an insurrection of the

people; and

not by constitutional modes of legislation。 But insurrection against

an already existing constitution; is an overthrow of all civil and

juridical relations; and of right generally; and hence it is not a

mere alteration of the civil constitution; but a dissolution of it。 It

would thus form a mode of transition to a better constitution by

palingenesis and not by mere metamorphosis; and it would require a new

social contract; upon which the former original contract; as then

annulled; would have no influence。

  It must; however; be possible for the sovereign to change the

existing constitution; if it is not actually consistent with the

idea of the original contract。 In doing so it is essential to give

existence to that form of government which will properly constitute

the people into a state。 Such a change cannot be made by the state

deliberately altering its constitution from one of the three forms

to one of the other two。 For example; political changes should not

be carried out by the aristocrats combining to subject themselves to

an autocracy; or resolving to fuse all into a democracy; or

conversely; as if it depended on the arbitrary choice and liking of

the sovereign what constitution he may impose on the people。 For; even

if as sovereign he resolved to alter the constitution into a

democracy; he might be doing wrong to the people; because they might

hold such a constitution in abhorrence; and regard either of the other

two as more suitable to them in the circumstances。

  The forms of the state are only the letter (littera) of the original

constitution in the civil union; and they may therefore remain so long

as they are considered; from ancient and long habit (and therefore

only subjectively); to be necessary to the machinery of the

political constitution。 But the spirit of that original contract

(anima pacti originarii) contains and imposes the obligation on the

constituting power to make the mode of the government conformable to

its idea; and; if this cannot be effected at once; to change it

gradually and continuously till it harmonize in its working with the

only rightful constitution; which is that of a pure republic。 Thus the

old empirical and statutory forms; which serve only to effect the

political subjection of the people; will be resolved into the original

and rational forms which alone take freedom as their principle; and

even as the condition of all compulsion and constraint。 Compulsion

is in fact requisite for the realization of a juridical

constitution; according to the proper idea of the state; and it will

lead at last to the realization of that idea; even according to the

letter。 This is the only enduring political constitution; as in it the

law is itself sovereign; and is no longer attached to a particular

person。 This is the ultimate end of all public right; and the state in

which every citizen can have what is his own peremptorily assigned

to him。 But so long as the form of the state has to be represented;

according to the letter; by many different moral persons invested with

the supreme power; there can only be a provisory internal right; and

not an absolutely juridical state of civil society。

  Every true republic is and can only be constituted by a

representative system of the people。 Such a representative system is

instituted in name of the people; and is constituted by all the

citizens being united together; in order; by means of their

deputies; to protect and secure their rights。 But as soon as a supreme

head of the state in person… be it as king; or nobility; or the

whole body of the people in a democratic union… becomes also

representative; the united people then does not merely represent the

sovereignty; but they are themselves sovereign。 It is in the people

that the supreme power originally resides; and it is accordingly

from this power that all the rights of individual citizens as mere

subjects; and especially as officials of the state; must be derived。

When the sovereignty of the people themselves is thus realized; the

republic is established; and it is no longer necessary to give up

the reins of government into the hands of those by whom they have been

hitherto held; especially as they might again destroy all the new

institutions by their arbitrary and absolute will。



  It was therefore a great error in judgement on the part of a

powerful ruler in our time; when he tried to extricate himself from

the embarrassment arising from great public debts; by transferring

this burden to the people; and leaving them to undertake and

distribute them among themselves as they might best think fit。 It thus

became natural that the legislative power; not only in respect of

the taxation of the subjects; but in respect of the government; should

come into the hands of the people。 It was requisite that they should

be able to prevent the incurring of new debts by extravagance or

war; and in consequence; the supreme power of the monarch entirely

disappeared; not by being merely suspended; but by passing over in

fact to the people; to whose legislative will the property of every

subject thus became subjected。 Nor can it be said that a tacit and yet

obligatory promise must be assumed as having; under such

circumstances; been given by the national assembly; not to

constitute themselves into a sovereignty; but only to administer the

affairs of the sovereign for the time; and after this was done to

deliver the reins of the government again into the monarch's hands。

Such a supposed contract would be null and void。 The right of the

supreme legislation in the commonwealth is not an alienable right; but

is the most personal of all rights。 Whoever possesses it can only

dispose by the collective will of the people; in respect of the

people; he cannot dispose in respect of the collective will itself;

which is the ultimate foundation of all public contracts。 A

contract; by which the people would be bound to give back their

authority again; would not be consistent with their position as a

legislative power; and yet it would be made binding upon the people;

which; on t
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