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to look after a great party of Western newspaper men who are to
go up the Rhine this summer and make a brief stay in the
above…named capital of the empire。 I also receive very many
letters of introduction； which of course make large demands upon
my time。 The number of epistles； also； which come in from public
meetings in large and small American towns is very great； some
evidently representing no persons other than the writers。 As I
write the above； I open mechanically a letter from a peace
meeting assembled in Ledyard； Connecticut； composed of 〃Rogerine
Quakers〃； but what a 〃Rogerine Quaker〃 is I know not。 Some of
these letters are touching； and some have a comic side。 A very
good one comes from May Wright Sewall； would that all the others
were as thoughtful！
It goes without saying that the Quakers are out in full force。 We
have been answering by cable some of the most important
communications sent us from America； the others we shall try to
acknowledge by mail； though they are so numerous that I begin to
despair of this。 If these good people only knew how all this
distracts us from the work which we have at heart as much as
they； we should get considerably more time to think upon the
problems before us。
May 22。
In the afternoon came M。 de Bloch； the great publicist； who has
written four enormous volumes on war in modern times； summaries
of which； in the newspapers； are said to have converted the young
Emperor Nicholas to peace ideas； and to have been the real cause
of his calling the conference together。 I found him interesting；
full of ideas； and devoted most earnestly to a theory that
militarism is gradually impoverishing all modern states； and that
the next European war will pauperize most of them。
Just afterward Count Welsersheimb； president of the Austrian
delegation； called； and was very anxious to know the line we are
to take。 I told him frankly that we are instructed to present a
plan of arbitration； and to urge a resolution in favor of
exempting private property； not contraband of war； from seizure
on the high seas； that we are ready to go to the full length in
improving the laws of war； and in extending the Geneva rules to
maritime warfare； but that we look on the question of reducing
armaments as relating wholly to Europe； no part of it being
applicable to the United States。
As he seemed strongly in favor of our contention regarding
private property on the high seas； but fearful that Russia and
England； under a strict construction of the rules； would not
permit the subject to be introduced； I pointed out to him certain
clauses in the Mouravieff circular which showed that it was
entirely admissible。
May 23。
In the morning came a meeting of the American delegation on the
subject of telegraphing Washington for further instructions。 We
find that some of the details in our present instructions are
likely to wreck our proposals； and there is a fear among us that；
by following too closely the plan laid down for us at Washington；
we may run full in the face of the Monroe Doctrine。 It is indeed；
a question whether our people will be willing to have matters of
difference between South American States； or between the United
States and a South American State； or between European and South
American States； submitted to an arbitration in which a majority
of the judges are subjects of European powers。 Various drafts of
a telegram were made； but the whole matter went over。
At ten the heads of delegations met and considered a plan of
organizing the various committees； and the list was read。 Each of
the three great committees to which the subjects mentioned in the
Mouravieff circular are assigned was given a president；
vice…president； and two honorary presidents。 The first of these
committees is to take charge of the preliminary discussion of
those articles in the Mouravieff circular concerning the
non…augmentation of armies and the limitation in the use of new
explosives and of especially destructive weapons。 The second
committee has for its subject the discussion of humanitarian
reformsnamely； the adaptation of the stipulations of the
Convention of Geneva of 1864 to maritime warfare； the
neutralization of vessels charged with saving the wounded during
maritime combats； and the revision of the declaration concerning
customs of war elaborated in 1874 by the Conference of Brussels；
which has never yet been ratified。 The third committee has charge
of the subject of arbitration； mediation； and the like。
The president of the first committee is M。 Bernaert； a leading
statesman of Belgium； who has made a most excellent impression on
me from the first； and the two honorary presidents are Count
Munster； German ambassador at Paris； and myself。
The president of the second committee is M。 de Martens； the
eminent Russian authority on international law； and the two
honorary presidents； Count Welsersheimb of Austria…Hungary； and
the Duke of Tetuan from Spain。
The third committee receives as its president M。 Leon Bourgeois；
who has held various eminent positions in France； the honorary
presidents being Count Nigra； the Italian ambassador at Vienna；
and Sir Julian Pauncefote； the British ambassador at Washington。
There was much discussion and considerable difference of opinion
on many points； but the main breeze sprang up regarding the
publicity of our doings。 An admirable speech was made by Baron de
Bildt； who is a son of my former Swedish colleague at Berlin； has
held various important positions at Washington and elsewhere； has
written an admirable history of Queen Christina of Sweden； and is
now minister plenipotentiary at Rome。 He spoke earnestly in favor
of considerable latitude in communications to the press from the
authorities of the conference； but the prevailing opinion；
especially of the older men； even of those from constitutional
states； seemed to second the idea of Russia；that communications
to the press should be reduced to a minimum； comprising merely
the external affairs of the conference。 I am persuaded that this
view will get us into trouble； but it cannot be helped at
present。
May 24。
As was to be expected； there has begun some reaction from the
hopes indulged shortly after the conference came together。 At our
arrival there was general skepticism； shortly afterward； and
especially when the organization of the arbitration committee was
seen to be so good； there came a great growth of hope； now comes
the usual falling back of many。 But I trust that this will not be
permanent。 Yesterday there was some talk which； though quiet； was
none the less bitter； to the effect that the purpose of Russia in
calling the conference is only to secure time for strengthening
her armaments； that she was never increasing her forces at a
greater rate； especially in the southwestern part of the empire
and in the Caucasus； and never intriguing more vigorously in all
directions。 To one who stated this to me my answer simply was
that bad faith to this extent on the part of Russia is most
unlikely； if not impossible； that it would hand down the Emperor
and his advisers to the eternal execration and contempt of
mankind； and that； in any case； our duty is clear： to go on and
do the best we can； to perfect plans for a permanent tribunal of
arbitration； and to take measures for diminishing cruelty and
suffering in war。
Meeting Count Munster； who； after M。 de Staal； is very generally
considered the most important personage here； we discussed the
subject of arbitration。 To my great regret； I found him entirely
opposed to it； or； at least； entirely opposed to any
well…developed plan。 He did not say that he would oppose a
moderate plan for voluntary arbitration； but he insisted that
arbitration must be injurious to Germany； that Germany is
prepared for war as no other country is or can be； that she can
mobilize her army in ten days； and that neither France； Russia；
nor any other power can do this。 Arbitration； he said； would
simply give rival powers time to put themselves in readiness； and
would therefore be a great disadvantage to Germany。
Later came another disappointment。 M。 de Martens； having read the
memorandum which I left with him yesterday on the subject of
exempti