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ng power given it by the Constitution； disliked the treaties； because it feared that under such general agreements cases would be submitted to The Hague Court without its special approval。* Yet； as popular sentiment was strongly behind the movement； the Senate ventured only to amend the procedure in such a way as to make every 〃agreement〃 a treaty which would require its concurrence。 President Roosevelt； however； was so much incensed at this important change that he refused to continue the negotiations。
* The second article in these treaties read： 〃In each individual case the high contracting parties； before appealing to the Permanent Court of Arbitration； shall conclude a special agreement defining clearly the matter in dispute。〃
President Taft was perhaps more interested in this problem than in any other。 His Secretary of State； Elihu Root； reopened negotiations and； in 1908 and 1909； drew up a large number of treaties in a form which met the wishes of the Senate。 Before the Administration closed； the United States had agreed to submit to arbitration all questions； except those of certain classes especially reserved； that might arise with Great Britain； France； Austro…Hungary； China； Costa Rica； Italy； Denmark； Japan； Hayti； Mexico； the Netherlands； Norway； Paraguay； Spain； Sweden； Peru； San Salvador； and Switzerland。
Such treaties seemed to a few fearsome souls to be violations of the injunctions of Washington and Jefferson to avoid entangling alliances； but to most they seemed； rather； to be disentangling。 It was； indeed； becoming increasingly apparent that the world was daily growing smaller and that； as its parts were brought together by rail and steamships； by telegraph and wireless； more and more objects of common interest must become subject to common regulation。 General Grant can hardly be regarded as a visionary； and yet in 1873 in his second inaugural address； he had said： 〃Commerce； education； and rapid transit of thought and matter by telegraph and steam have changed all this。。。。 I believe that our Great Maker is preparing the world in His own good time； to become one nation； speaking one language； and when armies and navies will be no longer required。〃
Quietly； without general interest； or even particular motive； the United States had accepted its share in handling many such world problems。 As early as 1875 it had cooperated in founding and maintaining at Paris an International Bureau of Weights and Measures。 In 1886 it joined in an international agreement for the protection of submarine cables； in 1890； in an agreement for the suppression of the African slave trade； in 1899； in an agreement for the regulation of the importation of spirituous liquors into Africa； in 1902； in a convention of American powers for the Arbitration of Pecuniary Claims。 In 1903 it united with various American powers in an International Sanitary Convention； in 1905 it joined with most countries of the world in establishing and maintaining an International Institute of Agriculture at Rome。 It would surprise most Americans to know that five hundred pages of their collection of 〃Treaties and Conventions〃 consist of such international undertakings； which amount in fact to a body of international legislation。 It is obvious that the Government； in interpreting the injunction to avoid entangling alliances； has not found therein prohibition against international cooperation。
In 1783 the United States had been a little nation with not sufficient inhabitants to fill up its million square miles of territory。 Even in 1814 it still reached only to the Rockies and still found a troublesome neighbor lying between it and the Gulf of Mexico。 Now with the dawn of the twentieth century it was a power of imperial dimensions； occupying three million square miles between the Atlantic and the Pacific； controlling the Caribbean； and stretching its possessions across the Pacific and up into the Arctic。 Its influence was a potent factor in the development of Asia； and it was bound by the bonds of treaties； which it has ever regarded sacred； to assist in the regulation of many matters of world interest。
Nor had the only change during the century been that visible in the United States。 The world which seemed so vast and mysterious in 1812 had opened up most of its dark places to the valor of adventurous explorers； of whom the United States had contributed its fair share。 The facilities of intercourse had conquered space； and along with its conquest had gone a penetration of the countries of the world by the tourist and the immigrant； the missionary and the trader； so that Terence's statement that nothing human was alien to him had become perforce true of the world。
Nor had the development of governmental organization stood still。 In 1812 the United States was practically the only democratic republic in the world； in 1912 the belief in a government founded on the consent of the governed； and republican in form； had spread over all the Americas； except such portions as were still colonies； and was practically true of even most of them。 Republican institutions had been adopted by France and Portugal； and the spirit of democracy had permeated Great Britain and Norway and was gaining yearly victories elsewhere。 In 1912 the giant bulk of China adopted the form of government commended to he； by the experience of the nation which； more than any other； had preserved her integrity。 Autocracy and divine right； however； were by no means dead。 On the contrary； girt and prepared； they were arming themselves for a final stand。 But no longer； as in 1823； was America pitted alone against Europe。 It was the world including America which was now divided against itself。
It was chiefly the Spanish War which caused the American people slowly and reluctantly to realize this new state of thingsthat the ocean was no longer a barrier in a political or military sense； and that the fate of each nation was irrevocably bound up with the fate of all。 As the years went by； however； Americans came to see that the isolation proclaimed by President Monroe was no longer real； and that isolation even as a tradition could not； either for good or for ill； long endure。 All thoughtful men saw that a new era needed a new policy； the wiser； however； were not willing to give up all that they had acquired in the experience of the past。 They remembered that the separation of the continents was not proclaimed as an end in itself but as a means of securing American purposes。 Those national purposes had been： first； the securing of the right of self…government on the part of the United States； second； the securing of the right of other nations to govern themselves。 Both of these aims rested on the belief that one nation should not interfere with the domestic affairs of another。 These fundamental American purposes remained； but it was plain that the situation would force the nation to find some different method of realizing them。 The action of the United States indicated that the hopes of the people ran to the reorganization of the world in such a way as would substitute the arbitrament of courts for that of war。 Year by year the nation committed itself more strongly to cooperation foreshadowing such an organization。 While this feeling was growing among the people； the number of those who doubted whether such a system could ward off war altogether and forever also increased。 Looking forward to the probability of war； they could not fail to fear that the next would prove a world war； and that in the even of such a conflict； the noninterference of the United States would not suffice to preserve it immune in any real independence。
Bibliographical Note
Each President's 〃Annual Message〃 always gives a brief survey of the international relations of the year and often makes suggestions of future policy。 Of these the most famous is Monroe's message in 1823。 Since 1860 they have been accompanied by a volume of 〃Foreign Relations； 〃giving such correspondence as can be made public at the time。 The full correspondence in particular cases is sometimes called for by the Congress； in which case it is found in the 〃Executive Documents〃 of House or Senate。 A fairly adequate selection of all such papers before 1828 is found in 〃American State Papers； Foreign Affairs。〃 Three volumes contain the American 〃Treaties； Conventions； International Acts；〃 etc。； to 1918。 A。 B。 Hart's 〃Foundations of American Foreign Policy〃 （1901） gives a good bibliography of these and other sources。
More intimate material is found in the lives and works of diplomats； American and foreign。 Almost all leave some record； but there are unfortunately fewer of value since 1830 than before that date。 The 〃Memoirs〃 of John Quincy Adams （1874…1877）； and his 〃Writings；〃 （1913… ）； are full of fire and information； and W。 C。 Ford； in his 〃John Quincy Adams and the Monroe Doctrine；〃 in the 〃American Historical Review；〃 vol。 VII； pp。 676…696； and vol。 VIII； pp。 28…52； enables us to sit at the council table while that fundamental policy was being evolved。 The most interesting work of this kind for the later period is 〃The Life and Letters of John Hay；〃 by W。 R。 Thayer； 2 vols。 （1915）。
Treatments of American diplomacy as a whole are few