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extraordinary pomp。 In the eulogy pronounced over his body all the great
exploits of his ancestors were doubtless recounted and exaggerated。 If
there were then extant songs which gave a vivid and touching description
of an event； the saddest and the most glorious in the long history of the
Fabian house； nothing could be more natural than that the panegyrist
should borrow from such songs their finest touches； in order to adorn his
speech。 A few generations later the songs would perhaps be forgotten； or
remembered only by shepherds and vinedressers。 But the speech would
certainly be preserved in the archives of the Fabian nobles。 Fabius Pictor
would be well acquainted with a document so interesting to his personal
feelings； and would insert large extracts from it in his rude chronicle。 That
chronicle； as we know； was the oldest to which Livy had access。 Livy
would at a glance distinguish the bold strokes of the forgotten poet from
the dull and feeble narrative by which they were surrounded； would
retouch them with a delicate and powerful pencil； and would make them
immortal。
That this might happen at Rome can scarcely be doubted； for
something very like this has happened in several countries； and； among
others； in our own。 Perhaps the theory of Perizonius cannot be better
illustrated than by showing that what he supposes to have taken place in
ancient times has； beyond all doubt； taken place in modern times。
‘‘History；'' says Hume with the utmost gravity； ‘‘has preserved some
instances of Edgar's amours； from which； as from a specimen； we may
form a conjecture of the rest。'' He then tells very agreeably the stories of
Elfleda and Elfrida； two stories which have a most suspicious air of
romance； ad which； indeed； greatly resemble； in their character； some of
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the legends of early Rome。 He cites； as his authority for these two tales；
the chronicle of William of Malmesbury； who lived in the time of King
Stephen。 The great majority of readers suppose that the device by which
Elfleda was substituted for her young mistress； the artifice by which
Athelwold obtained the hand of Elfrida； the detection of that artifice； the
hunting party； and the vengeance of the amorous king； are things about
which there is no more doubt than about the execution of Anne Boleyn； or
the slitting of Sir John Coventry's nose。 But when we turn to William of
Malmesbury； we find that Hume； in his eagerness to relate these pleasant
fables； has overlooked one very important circumstance。 William does
indeed tell both the stories； but he gives us distinct notice that he does not
warrant their truth； and that they rest on no better authority than that of
ballads。
Such is the way in which these two well…known tales have been
handed down。 They originally appeared in a poetical form。 They found
their way from ballads into an old chronicle。 The ballads perished； the
chronicle remained。 A great historian； some centuries after the ballads had
been altogether forgotten； consulted the chronicle。 He was struck by the
lively coloring of these ancient fictions： he transferred them to his pages；
and thus we find inserted； as unquestionable facts； in a narrative which is
likely to last as long as the English tongue； the inventions of some minstrel
whose works were probably never committed to writing； whose name is
buried in oblivion； and whose dialect has become obsolete。 It must； then；
be admitted to be possible； or rather highly probable； that the stories of
Romulus and Remus； and of the Horatii and Curiatti； may have had a
similar origin。
Castilian literature will furnish us with another parallel case。 Mariana；
the classical historian of Spain； tells the story of the ill…starred marriage
which the King Don Alonso brought about between the heirs of Carrion
and the two daughters of the Cid。 The Cid bestowed a princely dower on
the sons…in…law。 But the young men were base and proud； cowardly and
cruel。 They were tried in danger； and found wanting。 They fled before the
Moors； and once； when a lion broke out of his den； they ran and crouched
in an unseemly hiding…place。 They knew that they were despised； and took
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Lays of Ancient Rome
counsel how they might be avenged。 They parted from their father…in…law
with many signs of love； and set forth on a journey with Do 馻 Elvira and
Do 馻 Sol。 In a solitary place the bridegrooms seized their brides； stripped
them； scourged them； and departed； leaving them for dead。 But one of the
House of Bivar； suspecting foul play； had followed the travellers in
disguise。 The ladies were brought back safe to the house of their father。
Complaint was made to the king。 It was adjudged by the Cortes that the
dower given by the Cid should be returned； and that the heirs of Carrion
together with one of their kindred should do battle against three knights of
the party of the Cid。 The guilty youths would have declined the combat；
but all their shifts were in vain。 They were vanquished in the lists； and
forever disgraced； while their injured wives were sought in marriage by
great princes。
Some Spanish writers have labored to show； by an examination of
dates and circumstances； that this story is untrue。 Such confutation was
surely not needed； for the narrative is on the face of it a romance。 How it
found its way into Mariana's history is quite clear。 He acknowledges his
obligations to the ancient chronicles； and had doubtless before him the
Cronica del famoso Cavallero Cid Ruy Diez Campeador； which had been
printed as early as the year 1552。 He little suspected that all the most
striking passages in this chronicle were copied from a poem of the twelfth
century；a poem of which the language and versification had long been
obsolete； but which glowed with no common portion of the fire of the Iliad。
Yet such is the fact。 More than a century and a half after the death of
Mariana； this venerable ballad； of which one imperfect copy on parchment；
four hundred years old； had been preserved at Bivar； was for the first time
printed。 Then it was found that every interesting circumstance of the story
of the heirs of Carrion was derived by the eloquent Jesuit from a song of
which he had never heard； and which was composed by a minstrel whose
very name had been long forgotten。
Such； or nearly such； appears to have been the process by which the
lost ballad…poetry of Rome was transformed into history。 To reverse that
process； to transform some portions of early Roman history back into the
poetry out of which they were made； is the object of this work。
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In the following poems the author speaks； not in his own person； but in
the persons of ancient minstrels who know only what Roman citizen； born
three or four hundred years before the Christian era； may be supposed to
have known； and who are in no wise above the passions and prejudices of
their age and nation。 To these imaginary poets must be ascribed some
blunders which are so obvious that is unnecessary to point them out。 The
real blunder would have been to represent these old poets as deeply versed
in general history； and studious of chronological accuracy。 To them must
also be attributed the illiberal sneers at the Greeks； the furious party spirit；
the contempt for the arts of peace； the love of war for its own sake； the
ungenerous exultation over the vanquished； which the reader will
sometimes observe。 To portray a Roman of the age of Camillus or Curius
as superior to national antipathies； as mourning over the devastation and
slaughter by which empire and triumphs were to be won； as looking on
human suffering with the sympathy of Howard； or as treating conquered
enemies with the delicacy of the Black Prince；