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the civilization of the renaissance in italy-第14章

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 These measures were  not the fruit of any popular excitement; but of the tranquil  resolutions of the heads of the Government; and might have been omitted  without attracting any comment; and at Florence; under similar  circumstances; would certainly have been omitted。 We shall say nothing  of the piety of the masses; and of their firm belief in the indulgences  of an Alexander VI。 But the State itself; after absorbing the Church to  a degree unknown elsewhere; had in truth a certain ecclesiastical  element in its composition; and the Doge; the symbol of the State;  appeared in twelve great processions ('andate') in a half…clerical  character。 They were almost all festivals in memory of political  events; and competed in splendor with the great feasts of the Church;  the most brilliant of all; the famous marriage with the sea; fell on  Ascension Day。 

The most elevated political thought and the most varied forms of human  development are found united in the history of Florence; which in this  sense deserves the name of the first modern State in the world。 Here  the whole people are busied with what in the despotic cities is the  affair of a single family。 That wondrous Florentine spirit; at once  keenly critical and artistically creative; was incessantly transforming  the social and political condition of the State; and as incessantly  describing and judging the change。 Florence thus became the home of  political doctrines and theories; of experiments and sudden changes;  but also; like Venice; the home of statistical science; and alone and  above all other States in the world; the home of historical  representation in the modern sense of the phrase。 The spectacle of  ancient Rome and a familiarity with its leading writers were not  without influence; Giovanni Villani confesses that he received the  first impulse to his great work at the jubilee of the year 1300; and  began it immediately on his return home。 Yet how many among the 200;000  pilgrims of that year may have been like him in gifts and tendencies  and still did not write the history of their native cities? For not all  of them could encourage themselves with the thought: 'Rome is sinking;  my native city is rising; and ready to achieve great things; and  therefore I wish to relate its past history; and hope to continue the  story to the present time; and as long as any life shall last。' And  besides the witness to its past; Florence obtained through its  historians something further a greater fame than fell to the lot of any  other city of Italy。 

Our present task is not to write the history of this remarkable State;  but merely to give a few indications of the intellectual freedom and  independence for which the Florentines were indebted to this history。  In no other city of Italy were the struggles of political parties so  bitter; of such early origin; and so permanent。 The descriptions of  them; which belong; it is true; to a somewhat later period; give clear  evidence of the superiority of Florentine criticism。 

And what a politician is the great victim of these crises; Dante  Alighieri; matured alike by home and by exile ! He uttered his scorn of  the incessant changes and experiments in the constitution of his native  city in ringing verses; which will remain proverbial so long as  political events of the same kind recur;14 he addressed his home in  words of defiance and yearning which must have stirred the hearts of  his countrymen。 But his thoughts ranged over Italy and the whole world;  and if his passion for the Empire; as he conceived it; was no more than  an illusion; it must yet be admitted that the youthful dreams of a  newborn political speculation are in his case not without a poetical  grandeur。 He is proud to be the first who trod this path;16 certainly  in the footsteps of Aristotle; but in his own way independently。 His  ideal emperor is a just and humane judge; dependent on God only; the  heir of the universal sway of Rome to which belonged the sanction of  nature; of right and of the will of God。 The conquest of the world was;  according to this view; rightful; resting on a divine judgement between  Rome and the other nations of the earth; and God gave his approval to  this empire; since under it He became Man; submitting at His birth to  the census of the Emperor Augustus; and at His death to the judgement  of Pontius Pilate。 We may find it hard to appreciate these and other  arguments of the same kind; but Dante's passion never fail s to carry  us with him。 In his letters he appears as one of the earliest  publicists; and is perhaps the first layman to publish political tracts  in this form。 He began early。 Soon after the death of Beatrice he  addressed a pamphlet on the State of Florence 'to the Great ones of the  Earth;' and the public utterances of his later years; dating from the  time of his banishment; are all directed to emperors; princes; a nd  cardinals。 In these letters and in his book De Vulgari Eloquentia  (About the Vernacular) the feeling; bought with such bitter pains; is  constantly recurring that the exile may find elsewhere than in his  native place an intellectual home in language and culture; which cannot  be taken from him。 On this point we shall have more to say in the  sequel。

To the two Villani; Giovanni as well as Matteo; we owe not so much deep  political reflection as fresh and practical observations; together with  the elements of Florentine statistics and important notices of other  States。 Here too trade and commerce had given the impulse to economic  as well as political science。 Nowhere else in the world was such  accurate information to be had on financial affairs。 The wealth of the  Papal court at Avignon; which at the death of John XXII amounted to  twenty…five millions of gold florins; would be incredible on any less  trustworthy authority。 Here only; at Florence; do we meet with colossal  loans like that which the King of England contracted from the  Florentine houses of Bardi and Peruzzi; who lost to his Majesty the sum  of 1;365;000 gold florins (1338) their own money and that of their  partners and nevertheless recovered from the shock。 Most important  facts are here recorded as to the condition of Florence at this time:  the public income (over 300;000 gold florins) and expenditure the  population of the city; here only roughly estimated; according to the  consumption of bread; in 'bocche;' i。e。 mouths; put at 50;000 and the  population of the whole territory; the excess of 300 to 500 male  children among the 5;800 to 8;000 annually baptized 18 the  schoolchildren; of whom 8;000 to 10;000 learned reading; 1;000 to 1;200  in six schools arithmetic; and besides these; 600 scholars who were  taught Latin grammar and logic in four schools。 Then follow the  statistics of the churches and monasteries; of the hospitals; which  held more than a thousand beds; of the wool trade; with most valuable  details; of the mint; the provisioning of the city; the public  officials; and so on。 Incidentally we learn many curious facts; how;  for instance; when the public funds ('monte') were first established;  in the year 1353; the Franciscans spoke from the pulpit in favour of  the measure; the Dominicans and Augustinians against it。 The economic  results of the black death were and could be observed and described  nowhere else in all Europe as in this city。20 Only a Florentine could  have left it on record how it was expected that the scanty population  would have made everything cheap; and how instead of that labor and  commodities doubled in price; how the common people at first would do  no work at all; but simply give themselves up to enjoyment; how in the  city itself servants and maids were not to be had except at extravagant  wages; how the peasants would only hill the best lands; and left the  rest uncultivated; and how the enormous legacies bequeathed to the poor  at the time of the plague seemed afterwards useless; since the poor had  either died or had ceased to be poor。 Lastly; on the occasion of a  great bequest; by which a childless philanthropist left six 'denarii'  to every beggar in the city; the attempt is made to give a  comprehensive statistical account of Florentine mendicancy。 

This statistical view of things was at a later time still more highly  cultivated at Florence。 The noteworthy point about it is that; as a  rule; we can perceive its connection with the higher aspects of  history; with art; and with culture in general。 An inventory of the  year 1422 mentions; within the compass of the same document; the  seventy…two exchange offices which surrounded the 'Mercato Nuovo'; the  amount of coined money in circulation (two million golden florins); the  then new industry of gold spinning; the silk wares; Filippo  Brunellesco; then busy in digging classical architecture from its  grave; and Leonardo Aretino; secretary of the republic; at work at the  revival of ancient literature and eloquence; lastly; it speaks of the  general prosperity of the city; then free from political conflicts; and  of the good fortune of Italy; which had rid itself of foreign  mercenaries。 The Venetian statistics quoted above which date from about  the same year; certainly give evidence of larger property and profit  a
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