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ly symptoms； but had also grown tired of the type of the humanist。 These men had to pay both for the misdeeds they had done； and for the excess of honour which had hitherto fallen to their lot。 Their evil fate willed it that the greatest poet of the nation； Ariosto； wrote of them in a tone of calm and sovereign contempt。
Of the reproaches which combined to excite so much hatred； many were only too well founded。 Yet a clear and unmistakable tendency to strictness in matters of religion and morality was alive in many of the philologists； and it is a proof of small knowledge of the period； if the whole class is condemned。 Yet many； and among them the loudest speakers； were guilty。
Three facts explain and perhaps diminish their guilt： the overflowing excess of fervour and fortune； when the luck was on their side； the uncertainty of the future； in which luxury or misery depended on the caprice of a patron or the malice of an enemy； and finally； the misleading influence of antiquity。 This undermined their morality； without giving them its own instead； and in religious matters； since they could never think of accepting the positive belief in the old gods； it affected them only on the negative and sceptical side。 Just because they conceived of antiquity dogmaticallythat is； took it as the model or all thought and actionits influence was here pernicious。 But that an age existed which idolized the ancient world and its products with an exclusive devotion was not the fault of individuals。 It was the work of an historical providence； and if the culture of the ages which have followed； and of the ages to come； rests upon the fact that it was so； and that all the ends of life but this one were then deliberately put aside。
The career of the humanists was； as a rule； of such a kind hat only the strongest characters could pass through it unscathed。 The first danger came； in some cases； from the parents； rho sought to turn a precocious child into a miracle of learning； with an eye to his future position in that class which then was supreme。 Youthful prodigies； however； seldom rise above a certain level； or； if they do； are forced to achieve their further progress and development at the cost of the bitterest trials。 For an ambitious youth； the fame and the brilliant position of the humanists were a perilous temptation； it seemed to him that he too 'through inborn pride could no longer regard the low and common things of life。' He was thus led to plunge into a life of excitement and vicissitude； in which exhausting studies； tutorships； secretaryships； professorships； offices in princely households； mortal enmities and perils； luxury and beggary； boundless admiration and boundless contempt； followed confusedly one upon the other； and in which the most solid worth and learning were often pushed aside by superficial impudence。 But the worst of all was； that the position of the humanist was almost incompatible with a fixed home； since it either made frequent changes of dwelling necessary for a livelihood； or so affected the mind of the individual that he could never be happy for long in one place。 He grew tired of the people； and had no peace among the enmities which he excited； while the people themselves in their turn demanded something new。 Much as this life reminds us of the Greek sophists of the Empire； as described to us by Philostratus； yet the position of the sophists was more favourable。 They often had money； or could more easily do without it than the humanists； and as professional teachers of rhetoric； rather than men of learning； their life was freer and simpler。 But the scholar of the Renaissance was forced to combine great learning with the power of resisting the influence of ever…changing pursuits and situations。 Add to this the deadening effect of licentious excess； andsince do what he might； the worst was believed of hima total indifference to the moral laws recognized by others。 Such men can hardly be conceived to exist without an inordinate pride。 They needed it； if only to keep their heads above water； and were confirmed in it by the admiration which alternated with hatred in the treatment they received from the world。 They are the most striking examples and victims of an unbridled subjectivity。
The attacks and the satirical pictures began； as we have said； at an early period。 For all strongly marked individuality； for every kind of distinction； a corrective was at hand in the national taste for ridicule。 And in this case the men themselves offered abundant and terrible materials which satire had but to make use of。 In the fifteenth century； Battista Mantovano； in discoursing of the seven monsters； includes the humanists； with any others； under the head 'Superbia。' He describes how； fancying themselves children of Apollo； they walk along with affected solemnity and with sullen； malicious looks； now gazing t their own shadow； now brooding over the popular praise they hunted after； like cranes in search of food。 But in the sixteenth century the indictment was presented in full。 Besides Ariosto； their own historian Gyraldus gives evidence of this； whose treatise； written under Leo X； was probably revised about the year 1540。 Warning examples from ancient and modern times the moral disorder and the wretched existence of the scholars meet us in astonishing abundance； and along with these； accusations of the most serious nature are brought formally against them。 Among these are anger； vanity； obstinacy； self…adoration； dissolute private life； immorality of all descriptions； heresy； theism； further； the habit of speaking without conviction； a sinister influence on government； pedantry of speech； thanklessness towards teachers； and abject flattery of the great； who st give the scholar a taste of their favours and then leave m to starve。 The description is closed by a reference to the den age； when no such thing as science existed on the earth。 these charges； that of heresy soon became the most dangers； and Gyraldus himself； when he afterwards republished a perfectly harmless youthful work； was compelled to take refuge neath the mantle of Duke Ercole II of Ferrara； since men had the upper hand who held that people had better spend their time on Christian themes than on mythological researches。 justifies himself on the ground that the latter； on the contrary； were at such a time almost the only harmless branches of study； as they deal with subjects of a perfectly neutral character。
But if it is the duty of the historian to seek for evidence in which moral judgement is tempered by human sympathy； he 11 find no authority comparable in value to the work so often quoted of Pierio Valeriano； 'On the Infelicity of the Scholar。' It was written under the gloomy impressions left by the sack of Rome； which seems to the writer； not only the direct cause of untold misery to the men of learning； but； as it were； the fulfilment of an evil destiny which had long pursued them。 Pierio is here led by a simple and； on the whole； just feeling。 He does not introduce a special power； which plagued the men of genius on account of their genius； but he states facts； in which an unlucky chance often wears the aspect of fatality。 Not wishing to write a tragedy or to refer events to the conflict of higher powers； he is content to lay before us the scenes of everyday life。 We are introduced to men who； in times of trouble； lose first their incomes and then their places； to others who； in trying to get two appointments； miss both； to unsociable misers who carry about their money sewn into their clothes； and die mad when they are robbed of it； to others； who accept well…paid offices； and then sicken with a melancholy longing for their lost freedom。 We read how some died young of a plague or fever； and how the writings which had cost them so much toil were burnt with their bed and clothes； how others lived in terror of the murderous threats of their colleagues； how one was slain by a covetous servant； and another caught by highwaymen on a journey； and left to pine in a dungeon； because unable to pay his ransom。 Many died of unspoken grief from the insults they received and the prizes of which they were defrauded。 We are told how a Venetian died because of the death of his son； a youthful prodigy； and how mother and brothers followed； as if the lost child drew them all after him。 Many； especially Florentines； ended their lives by suicide； others through the secret justice of a tyrant。 Who； after all； is happy？and by what means？ By blunting all feeling for such misery？ One of the speakers in the dialogue in which Pierio clothed his argument； can give an answer to these questions the illustrious Gasparo Contarini； at the mention of whose name we turn with the expectation to hear at least something of the truest and deepest which was then thought on such matters。 As a type of the happy scholar； he mentions Fra Urbano Valeriano of Belluno； who was for years a teacher of Greek at Venice； who visited Greece and the East； and towards the close of his life travelled； now through this country； now through that； without ever mounting a horse； who neve