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the psychology of revolution-第11章

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had been restrained by the secular and inhibitory action of

environment; tradition; and law。



All the social bonds that formerly contained the multitude were

day by day dissolving; so that it conceived a notion of unlimited

power; and the joy of seeing its ancient masters ferreted out and

despoiled。  Having become the sovereign people; were not all

things permissible to it?



The motto of Liberty; Equality; Fraternity; a true manifestation

of hope and faith at the beginning of the Revolution; soon merely

served to cover a legal justification of the sentiments of

jealousy; cupidity; and hatred of superiors; the true motives of

crowds unrestrained by discipline。  This is why the Revolution so

soon ended in disorder; violence; and anarchy。



From the moment when the Revolution descended from the middle to

the lower classes of society; it ceased to be a domination of the

instinctive by the rational; and became; on the contrary;

the effort of the instinctive to overpower the rational。



This legal triumph of the atavistic instincts was terrible。  The

whole effort of societies an effort indispensable to their

continued existencehad always been to restrain; thanks to the

power of tradition; customs; and codes; certain natural instincts

which man has inherited from his primitive animality。  It is

possible to dominate themand the more a people does overcome

them the more civilised it isbut they cannot be destroyed。  The

influence of various exciting causes will readily result in their

reappearance。



This is why the liberation of popular passions is so dangerous。 

The torrent; once escaped from its bed; does not return until it

has spread devastation far and wide。  ‘‘Woe to him who stirs up

the dregs of a nation;'' said Rivarol at the beginning of the

Revolution。  ‘‘There is no age of enlightenment for the

populace。''





3。 The supposed Part of the People during Revolution。





The laws of the psychology of crowds show us that the people

never acts without leaders; and that although it plays a

considerable part in revolutions by following and exaggerating

the impulses received; it never directs its own movements。



In all political revolutions we discover the action of leaders。 

They do not create the ideas which serve as the basis of

revolutions; but they utilise them as a means of action。  Ideas;

leaders; armies; and crowds constitute four elements which all

have their part to play in revolutions。



The crowd; roused by the leaders; acts especially by means of its

mass。  Its action is comparable to that of the shell which

perforates an armour…plate by the momentum of a force it did not

create。  Rarely does the crowd understand anything of the

revolutions accomplished with its assistance。  It obediently

follows its leaders without even trying to find out what they

want。  It overthrew Charles X。 because of his Ordinances without

having any idea of the contents of the latter; and would have

been greatly embarrassed had it been asked at a later date why it

overthrew Louis…Philippe。



Deceived by appearances; many authors; from Michelet to Aulard;

have supposed that the people effected our great Revolution。



‘‘The principal actor;'' said Michelet; ‘‘is the people。''



‘‘It is an error to say;'' writes M。 Aulard; ‘‘that the French

Revolution was effected by a few distinguished people or a few

heroes。 。 。 。  I believe that in the whole history of the period

included between 1789 and 1799 not a single person stands out who

led or shaped events: neither Louis XVI。 nor Mirabeau nor Danton

nor Robespierre。  Must we say that it was the French people that

was the real hero of the French Revolution?  Yesprovided we see

the French people not as a multitude but as a number of organised

groups。''



And in a recent work M。 A。 Cochin insists on this conception of

popular action。



‘‘And here is the wonder:  Michelet is right。  In proportion as

we know them better the facts seem to consecrate the fiction:

this crowd; without chiefs and without laws; the very image of

chaos; did for five years govern and command; speak and act; with

a precision; a consistency; and an entirety that were

marvellous。  Anarchy gave lessons in order and discipline to the

defeated party of order 。 。 。 twenty…five millions of men; spread

over an area of 30;000 square leagues; acted as one。''



Certainly if this simultaneous conduct of the people had been

spontaneous; as the author supposes; it would have been

marvellous。  M。 Aulard himself understands very well the

impossibilities of such a phenomenon; for he is careful; in

speaking of the people; to say that he is speaking of groups; and

that these groups may have been guided by leaders:



‘‘And what; then; cemented the national unity?  Who saved this

nation; attacked by the king and rent by civil war?  Was it

Danton?  Was it Robespierre?  Was it Carnot?  Certainly these

individual men were of service: but unity was in fact maintained

and independence assured by the grouping of the French into

communes and popular societiespeople's clubs。  It was the

municipal and Jacobin organisation of France that forced the

coalition of Europe to retreat。  But in each group; if we look

more closely; there were two or three individuals more capable

than the rest; who; whether leaders or led; executed decisions

and had the appearance of leaders; but who (if; for instance; we

read the proceedings of the people's clubs) seem to us to have

drawn their strength far more from their group than from

themselves。



M。 Aulard's mistake consists in supposing that all these groups

were derived ‘‘from a spontaneous movement of fraternity and

reason。''  France at that time was covered with thousands of

little clubs; receiving a single impulsion from the great

Jacobin Club of Paris; and obeying it with perfect docility。 

This is what reality teaches us; though the illusions of the

Jacobins do not permit them to accept the fact。'3'







'3' In the historical manuals which M。 Aulard has prepared for

the use of classes in collaboration with M。 Debidour the

role attributed to the people as an entity is even more

marked。  We see it intervening continually and spontaneously;

here are a few examples:



The ‘‘Day'' of June the 20th:  ‘‘The king dismissed the

Girondist members。  The people of Paris; indignant; rose

spontaneously and invaded the Tuileries。''



The ‘‘Day'' of August 10th:  ‘‘The Legislative Assembly dared

not overthrow it; it was the people of Paris; aided by the

Federals of the Departments; who effected this revolution at the

price of its blood。''



The conflict of the Girondists and the Mountain:  ‘‘This

discord in the face of the enemy was dangerous。  The people put

an end to it on the days of the 31st of May and the 2nd of June;

1793; when it forced the Convention to expel the leaders of the

Gironde from its midst and to decree their arrest。''







4。  The Popular Entity and its Constituent Elements。





In order to answer to certain theoretical conceptions the people

was erected into a mystic entity; endowed with all the powers and

all the virtues; incessantly praised by the politicians; and

overwhelmed with flattery。  We shall see what we are to make of

this conception of the part played by the people in the French

Revolution。



To the Jacobins of this epoch; as to those of our own days; this

popular entity constitutes a superior personality possessing the

attributes; peculiar to divinities; of never having to answer for

its actions and never making a mistake。  Its wishes must be

humbly acceded。  The people may kill; burn; ravage; commit the

most frightful cruelties; glorify its hero to…day and throw him

into the gutter to…morrow; it is all one; the politicians will

not cease to vaunt its virtues; its high wisdom; and to bow to

its every decision。'4'







'4' These pretensions do at least seem to be growing untenable to

the more advanced republicans。



‘‘The rage with the socialists'' writes M。 Clemenceau; ‘‘is to

endow with all the virtues; as though by a superhuman reason; the

crowd whose reason cannot be much to boast of。''  The famous

statesman might say more correctly that reason not only cannot be

prominent in the crowd but is practically nonexistent。









Now in what does this entity really consist; this mysterious

fetich which revolutionists have revered for more than a century?



It may be decomposed into two distinct categories。  The first

includes the peasants; traders; and workers of all sorts who need

tranquillity and order that they may exercise their calling。 

This people forms the majority; but a majority which never caused

a revolution。  Living in laborious silence; it is ignored by the

historians。



The second category; which plays a capital part in all national

disturbances; consists of a subversive social
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