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easily disaggregate the facile mind of a crowd； but one can do
nothing before the permanent soul of a race。 Certainly the
Russian peasant is a very indifferent being； gross and narrow by
nature； yet at the first news of invasion he was transformed。
One may judge of this fact on reading a letter written by
Elizabeth； wife of the Emperor Alexander I。
‘‘From the moment when Napoleon had crossed our frontiers it was
as though an electric spark had spread through all Russia； and if
the immensity of its area had made it possible for the news to
penetrate simultaneously to every corner of the Empire a cry of
indignation would have arisen so terrible that I believe it would
have resounded to the ends of the earth。 As Napoleon advances
this feeling is growing yet stronger。 Old men who have lost all
or nearly all their goods are saying： ‘We shall find a way of
living。 Anything is preferable to a shameful peace。' Women all
of whose kin are in the army regard the dangers they are running
as secondary； and fear nothing but peace。 Happily this peace；
which would be the death…warrant of Russia； will not be
negotiated； the Emperor does not conceive of such an idea； and
even if he would he could not。 This is the heroic side of our
position。''
The Empress describes to her mother the two following traits；
which give some idea of the degree of resistance of which the
soul of the Russian is capable：
‘‘The Frenchmen had caught some unhappy peasants in Moscow； whom
they thought to force to serve in their ranks； and in order that
they should not be able to escape they branded their hands as one
brands horses in the stud。 One of them asked what this mark
meant； he was told it signified that he was a French soldier。
‘What！ I am a soldier of the Emperor of the French！' he said。
And immediately he took his hatchet； cut off his hand； and threw
it at the feet of those present； saying； ‘Take itthere's your
mark！'
‘‘At Moscow； too； the French had taken a score of peasants of
whom they wished to make an example in order to frighten the
villagers； who were picking off the French foraging parties and
were making war as well as the detachments of regular troops。
They ranged them against a wall and read their sentence in
Russian。 They waited for them to beg for mercy： instead of that
they took farewell of one another and made their sign of the
cross。 The French fired on the first of them； they waited for
the rest to beg for pardon in their terror； and to promise to
change their conduct。 They fired on the second； and on the
third； and so on all the twenty； without a single one having
attempted to implore the clemency of the enemy。 Napoleon has
not once had the pleasure of profaning this word in Russia。''
Among the characteristics of the popular mind we must mention
that in all peoples and all ages it has been saturated
with mysticism。 The people will always be convinced that
superior beingsdivinities； Governments； or great menhave the
power to change things at will。 This mystic side produces an
intense need of adoration。 The people must have a fetich； either
a man or a doctrine。 This is why； when threatened with anarchy；
it calls for a Messiah to save it。
Like the crowd； but more slowly； the people readily passes from
adoration to hatred。 A man may be the hero of the people at one
period； and finally earn its curses。 These variations of popular
opinion concerning political personalities may be observed in all
times。 The history of Cromwell furnishes us with a very curious
example。＇5＇
＇5＇ After having overthrown a dynasty and refused a crown he was
buried like a king among kings。 Two years later his body was
torn from the tomb； and his head； cut off by the executioner； was
exposed above the gate of the House of Parliament。 A little
while ago a statue was raised to him。 The old anarchist turned
autocrat now figures in the gallery of demigods。
4。 The Role of the Leader in Revolutionary Movements。
All the varieties of crowdshomogeneous and heterogeneous；
assemblies； peoples； clubs； &c。are； as we have often repeated；
aggregates incapable of unity and action so long as they find no
master to lead them。
I have shown elsewhere； making use of certain physiological
experiments； that the unconscious collective mind of the crowd
seems bound up with the mind of the leader。 The latter gives it
a single will and imposes absolute obedience。
The leader acts especially through suggestion。 His success
depends on his fashion of provoking this suggestion。 Many
experiments have shown to what point a collectivity may be
subjected to suggestion。＇6＇
＇6＇ Among the numerous experiments made to prove this fact one of
the most remarkable was performed on the pupils of his class by
Professor Glosson and published in the Revue Scientifique for
October 28； 1899。
‘‘I prepared a bottle filled with distilled water carefully
wrapped in cotton and packed in a box。 After several other
experiments I stated that I wished to measure the rapidity with
which an odour would diffuse itself through the air； and asked
those present to raise their hands the moment they perceived the
odour。 。 。 。 I took out the bottle and poured the water on the
cotton； turning my head away during the operation； then took up a
stop…watch and awaited the result。 。 。 。 I explained that I was
absolutely sure that no one present had ever smelt the odour of
the chemical composition I had spilt。 。 。 。 At the end of
fifteen seconds the majority of those in front had held up their
hands； and in forty seconds the odour had reached the back of the
hall by fairly regular waves。 About three…quarters of those
present declared that they perceived the odour。 A larger number
would doubtless have succumbed to suggestion； if at the end of a
minute I had not been forced to stop the experiment； some of
those in the front rows being unpleasantly affected by the odour；
and wishing to leave the hall。''
According to the suggestions of the leaders； the multitude will
be calm； furious； criminal； or heroic。 These various suggestions
may sometimes appear to present a rational aspect； but they will
only appear to be reasonable。 A crowd is in reality inaccessible
to reason； the only ideas capable of influencing it will always
be sentiments evoked in the form of images。
The history of the Revolution shows on every page how easily the
multitude follows the most contradictory impulses given by
its different leaders。 We see it applaud just as vigorously at
the triumph of the Girondists； the Hebertists； the Dantonists；
and the Terrorists as at their successive downfalls。 One may be
quite sure； also； that the crowd understood nothing of these
events。
At a distance one can only confusedly perceive the part played by
the leaders； for they commonly work in the shade。 To grasp this
clearly we must study them in contemporary events。 We shall then
see how readily the leader can provoke the most violent popular
movements。 We are not thinking here of the strikes of the
postmen or railway men； in which the discontent of the employees
might intervene； but of events in which the crowd was not in the
least interested。 Such； for example； was the popular rising
provoked by a few Socialist leaders amidst the Parisian populace
on the morrow of the execution of Ferrer； in Spain。 The French
crowd had never heard of Ferrer。 In Spain his execution was
almost unnoticed。 In Paris the incitements of a few leaders
sufficed to hurl a regular popular army upon the Spanish Embassy；
with the intention of burning it。 Part of the garrison had to be
employed to protect it。 Energetically repulsed； the assailants
contented themselves with sacking a few shops and building some
barricades。
At the same time； the leaders gave another proof of their
influence。 Finally understanding that the burning of a foreign
embassy might be extremely dangerous； they ordered a pacific
demonstration for the following day； and were as faithfully
obeyed as if they had ordered the most violent riot。 No
example could better show the importance of leaders and the
submission of the crowd
The historians who； from Michelet to M。 Aulard； have represented
the revolutionary crowd as having acted on its own initiative；
without leaders； do not comprehend its psychology。
CHAPTER V
THE PSYCHOLOGY OF THE REVOLUTIONARY ASSEMBLIES
1。 Psychological Characteristics of the great Revolutionary
Assemblies。
A great political assembly； a parliament for example； is a crowd；
but a crowd which sometimes fails in effectual action on account
of the contrary sentiments of the hostile groups composing it。
The presence of these groups； actuated by different interests；
must make us consider an assembly as formed of superimposed and
heterog