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As ignorant of psychology as of the teachings of history； they
considered the plebeian man as naturally good； affectionate；
grateful； and always ready to listen to reason。
The speeches delivered by members of the Assembly show how
profound were these illusions。 When the peasants began to burn
the chateaux they were greatly astonished； and addressed
them in sentimental harangues； praying them to cease； in order
not to ‘‘give pain to their good king；'' and adjured them ‘‘to
surprise him by their virtues。''
2。 Illusions respecting the Possibility of separating Man from
his Past and the Power of Transformation attributed to the Law。
One of the principles which served as a foundation for the
revolutionary institutions was that man may readily be cut off
from his past； and that a society may be re…made in all its parts
by means of institutions。 Persuaded in the light of reason that；
except for the primitive ages which were to serve as models； the
past represented an inheritance of errors and superstitions； the
legislators of the day resolved to break entirely with that past。
The better to emphasise their intention； they founded a
new era； transformed the calendar； and changed the names of the
months and seasons。
Supposing all men to be alike； they thought they could legislate
for the human race。 Condorcet imagined that he was expressing an
evident truth when he said： ‘‘A good law must be good for all
men； just as a geometrical proposition is true for all。''
The theorists of the Revolution never perceived； behind the world
of visible things； the secret springs which moved them。 A
century of biological progress was needed to show how grievous
were their mistakes； and how wholly a being of whatever species
depends on its past。
With the influence of the past； the reformers of the Revolution
were always clashing； without ever understanding it。 They wanted
to annihilate it； but were annihilated by it instead。
The faith of law…makers in the absolute power of laws and
institutions； rudely shaken by the end of the Revolution； was
absolute at its outbreak。 Gregoire said from the tribune of
the Constituent Assembly； without provoking the least
astonishment： ‘‘We could if we would change religion； but we do
not want to。'' We know that they did want to later； and we know
how miserably their attempt failed。
Yet the Jacobins had in their hands all the elements of success。
Thanks to the completest of tyrannies； all obstacles were
removed； and the laws which it pleased them to impose were always
accepted。 After ten years of violence； of destruction and
burning and pillage and massacre and general upheaval；
their impotence was revealed so startlingly that they fell into
universal reprobation。 The dictator then invoked by the whole of
France was obliged to re…establish the greater part of that which
had been destroyed。
The attempt of the Jacobins to re…fashion society in the name of
pure reason constitutes an experiment of the highest interest。
Probably mankind will never have occasion to repeat it on so vast
a scale。
Although the lesson was a terrible one； it does not seem to have
been sufficient for a considerable class of minds； since even in
our days we hear Socialists propose to rebuild society from top
to bottom according to their chimerical plans。
3。 Illusions respecting the Theoretical Value of the great
Revolutionary Principles。
The fundamental principles on which the Revolution was based in
order to create a new dispensation are contained in the
Declarations of Rights which were formulated successively in
1789； 1793； and 1795。 All three Declarations agree in
proclaiming that ‘‘the principle of sovereignty resides in the
nation。''
For the rest； the three Declarations differ on several points；
notably in the matter of equality。 That of 1789 simply states
（Article 1）： ‘‘Men are born and remain free and having equal
rights。'' That of 1793 goes farther； and assures us （Article 3）：
‘‘All men are equal by nature。'' That of 1795 is more modest and
says （Article 3）： ‘‘Equality consists in the law being the same
for all。'' Besides this； having mentioned rights； the third
Declaration considers it useful to speak of duties。 Its
morality is simply that of the Gospel。 Article 2 says： ‘‘All
the duties of a man and a citizen derive from these two
principles engraved on all hearts by nature： do not do unto
others that which you would not they should do unto you； do
constantly unto others the good you would wish to receive from
them。''
The essential portions of these proclamations； the only portions
which have really survived； were those relating to equality and
popular sovereignty。
Despite the weakness of its rational meaning； the part played by
the Republican device； Liberty； Equality； Fraternity； was
considerable。
This magic formula； which is still left engraven on many of our
walls until it shall be engraven on our hearts； has really
possessed the supernatural power attributed to certain words by
the old sorcerers。
Thanks to the new hopes excited by its promises； its power of
expansion was considerable。 Thousands of men lost their lives
for it。 Even in our days； when a revolution breaks out in any
part of the world； the same formula is always invoked。
Its choice was happy in the extreme。 It belongs to the category
of indefinite dream…evoking sentences； which every one is free to
interpret according to his own desires； hatreds； and hopes。 In
matters of faith the real sense of words matters very little； it
is the meaning attached to them that makes their importance。
Of the three principles of the revolutionary device； equality was
most fruitful of consequences。 We shall see in another part of
this book that it is almost the only one which still
survives； and is still productive of effects。
It was certainly not the Revolution that introduced the idea of
equality into the world。 Without going back even to the Greek
republics； we may remark that the theory of equality was taught
in the clearest fashion by Christianity and Islamism。 All men；
subjects of the one God； were equal before Him； and judged solely
according to their merits。 The dogma of the equality of souls
before God was an essential dogma with Mohammedans as well as
with Christians。
But to proclaim a principle is not enough to secure its
observation。 The Christian Church soon renounced its theoretical
equality； and the men of the Revolution only remembered it in
their speeches。
The sense of the term ‘‘equality'' varies according to the
persons using it。 It often conceals sentiments very contrary to
its real sense； and then represents the imperious need of having
no one above one； joined to the no less lively desire to feel
above others。 With the Jacobins of the Revolution； as with those
of our days； the word ‘‘equality'' simply involves a jealous
hatred of all superiority。 To efface superiority； such men
pretend to unify manners； customs； and situations。 All
despotisms but that exercised by themselves seem odious。
Not being able to avoid the natural inequalities； they deny them。
The second Declaration of Rights； that of 1793； affirms； contrary
to the evidence； that ‘‘all men are equal by nature。''
It would seem that in many of the men of the Revolution
the ardent desire for equality merely concealed an intense need
of inequalities。 Napoleon was obliged to re…establish titles of
nobility and decorations for their benefit。 Having shown that it
was among the most rabid revolutionists that he found the most
docile instruments of domination； Taine continues：
‘‘Suddenly； through all their preaching of liberty and equality；
appeared their authoritative instincts； their need of commanding；
even as subordinates； and also； in most cases； an appetite for
money or for pleasure。 Between the delegate of the Committee of
Public Safety and the minister； prefect； or subprefect of the
Empire the difference is small： it is the same man under the two
costumes； first en carmagnole； then in the braided coat。''
The dogma of equality had as its first consequence the
proclamation of popular sovereignty by the bourgeoisie。 This
sovereignty remained otherwise highly theoretical during the
whole Revolution。
The principle of authority was the lasting legacy of the
Revolution。 The two terms ‘‘liberty'' and ‘‘fraternity'' which
accompany it in the republican device had never much influence。
We may even say that they had none during the Revolution and the
Empire； but merely served to decorate men's speeches。
Their influence was hardly more considerable later。 Fraternity
was never practised and the peoples have never cared much for
liberty。 To…day our working…men have completely surrendered it
to their unions。
T