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the psychology of revolution-第31章

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important part in respect of its psychological manifestations。



Extremely monarchical; the Legislative Assembly had no more idea

than its predecessor of destroying the monarchy。  The king

appeared to it to be slightly suspect; but it still hoped to be

able to retain him on the throne。



Unhappily for him; Louis was incessantly begging for intervention

from abroad。  Shut up in the Tuileries; defended only by his

Swiss Guards; the timid sovereign was drifting among contrary

influences。  He subsidised journals intended to modify public

opinion; but the obscure ‘‘penny…a…liners'' who edited them knew

nothing of acting on the mind of the crowd。  Their only means of

persuasion was to menace with the gallows all the partisans of

the Revolution; and to predict the invasion of France by an army

which would rescue the king。



Royalty no longer counted on anything but the foreign

Courts。  The nobles were emigrating。  Prussia; Austria; and

Russia were threatening France with a war of invasion。  The Court

favoured their lead。  To the coalition of the three kings against

France the Jacobin Club proposed to oppose a league of peoples。 

The Girondists were then; with the Jacobins; at the head of the

revolutionary movement。  They incited the masses to arm

themselves600;000 volunteers were equipped。  The Court accepted

a Girondist minister。  Dominated by him; Louis XVI。 was obliged

to propose to the Assembly a war against Austria。  It was

immediately agreed to。



In declaring war the king was not sincere。  The queen revealed

the French plans of campaign and the secret deliberations of the

Council to the Austrians。



The beginnings of the struggle were disastrous。  Several columns

of troops; attacked by panic; disbanded。  Stimulated by the

clubs; and persuadedjustly; for that matterthat the king was

conspiring with the enemies of France; the population of the

faubourgs rose in insurrection。  Its leaders; the Jacobins; and

above all Danton; sent to the Tuileries on the 20th of June a

petition threatening the king with revocation。  It then invaded

the Tuileries; heaping invectives on the sovereign。



Fatality impelled Louis toward his tragic destiny。  While the

threats of the Jacobins against royalty had roused many of the

departments to indignation; it was learned that a Prussian army

had arrived on the frontiers of Lorraine。



The hope of the king and queen respecting the help to be obtained

from abroad was highly chimerical。  Marie…Antoinette

suffered from an absolute illusion as to the psychology of the

Austrian and the French peoples。  Seeing France terrorised by a

few energumens; she supposed that it would be equally easy to

terrify the Parisians; and by means of threats to lead them back

under the king's authority。  Inspired by her; Fersen undertook to

publish the manifesto of the Duke of Brunswick; threatening Paris

with ‘‘total subversion if the royal family were molested。''



The effect produced was diametrically opposite to that intended。 

The manifesto aroused indignation against the monarch; who was

regarded as an accomplice; and increased his unpopularity。  From

that day he was marked for the scaffold。



Carried away by Danton; the delegates of the sections installed

themselves at the Hotel de Ville as an insurrectionary

Commune; which arrested the commandant of the National Guard; who

was devoted to the king; sounded the tocsin; equipped the

National Guard; and on the 10th of August hurled them; with the

populace; against the Tuileries。  The regiments called in by

Louis disbanded themselves。  Soon none were left to defend him

but his Swiss and a few gentlemen。  Nearly all were killed。  Left

alone; the king took refuge with the Assembly。  The crowds

demanded his denouncement。  The Legislative Assembly decreed his

suspension and left a future Assembly; the Convention; to decide

upon his fate。





2。  Mental Characteristics of the Legislative Assembly。





The Legislative Assembly; formed of new men; presented quite a

special interest from the psychological point of view。 

Few assemblies have offered in such a degree the characteristics

of the political collectivity。



It comprised seven hundred and fifty deputies; divided into pure

royalists; constitutional royalists; republicans; Girondists; and

Montagnards。  Advocates and men of letters formed the majority。 

It also contained; but in smaller numbers; superior officers;

priests; and a very few scientists。



The philosophical conceptions of the members of this Assembly

seem rudimentary enough。  Many were imbued with Rousseau's idea

of a return to a state of nature。  But all; like their

predecessors; were dominated more especially by recollections of

Greek and Latin antiquity。  Cato; Brutus; Gracchus; Plutarch;

Marcus Aurelius; and Plato; continually evoked; furnished the

images of their speech。  When the orator wished to insult Louis

XVI。 he called him Caligula。



In hoping to destroy tradition they were revolutionaries; but in

claiming to return to a remote past they showed themselves

extremely reactionary。



For the rest; all these theories had very little influence on

their conduct。  Reason was continually figuring in their

speeches; but never in their actions。  These were always

dominated by those affective and mystic elements whose potency we

have so often demonstrated。



The psychological characteristics of the Legislative Assembly

were those of the Constituent Assembly; but were greatly

accentuated。  They may be summed up in four words:

impressionability; mobility; timidity; and weakness。



This mobility and impressionability are revealed in the constant

variability of their conduct。  One day they exchange noisy

invective and blows。  On the following day we see them ‘‘throwing

themselves into one another's arms with torrents of tears。'' 

They eagerly applaud an address demanding the punishment of those

who have petitioned for the king's dethronement; and the same day

accord the honours of the session to a delegation which has come

to demand his downfall。



The pusillanimity and weakness of the Assembly in the face of

threats was extreme。  Although royalist it voted the suspension

of the king; and on the demand of the Commune delivered him; with

his family; to be imprisoned in the Temple;



Thanks to its weakness; it was as incapable as the Constituent

Assembly of exercising any power; and allowed itself to be

dominated by the Commune and the clubs; which were directed by

such influential leaders as Hebert; Tallien; Rossignol; Marat;

Robespierre; &c。



Until Thermidor; 1794; the insurrectionary Commune constituted

the chief power in the State; and behaved precisely as if it had

been charged with the government of Paris。



It was the Commune that demanded the imprisonment of Louis XVI。 

in the tower of the Temple; when the Assembly wished to imprison

him in the palace of the Luxembourg。  It was the Commune again

that filled the prisons with suspects; and then ordered them to

be killed。



We know with what refinements of cruelty a handful of some 150

bandits; paid at the rate of 24 livres a day; and directed by a

few members of the Commune; exterminated some 1;200 persons in

four days。  This crime was known as the massacre of September。 

The mayor of Paris; Petion; received the band of assassins with

respect; and gave them drink。  A few Girondists protested

somewhat; but the Jacobins were silent。



The terrorised Assembly affected at first to ignore the

massacres; which were encouraged by several of its more

influential deputies; notably Couthon and Billaud…Varenne。  When

at last it decided to condemn them it was without attempting to

prevent their continuation。



Conscious of its impotence; the Legislative Assembly dissolved

itself a fortnight later in order to give way to the Convention。



Its work was obviously disastrous; not in intention but in fact。 

Royalist; it abandoned the monarchy; humanitarian; it allowed the

massacres of September; pacific; it pushed France into a

formidable war; thus showing that a weak Government always ends

by bringing ruin upon its country。



The history of the two previous revolutionary Assemblies proves

once more to what point events carry within them their inevitable

consequences。  They constitute a train of necessities of which we

can sometimes choose the first; but which then evolve without

consulting us。  We are free to make a decision; but powerless to

avert its consequences。



The first measures of the Constituent Assembly were rational and

voluntary; but the results which followed were beyond all will or

reason or foresight。



Which of the men of 1789 would have ventured to desire or predict

the death of Louis XVI。; the wars of La Vendee; the Terror; the

permanent guillotine and the final anarchy; or the ensuing return

to tradition and order; g
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