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the psychology of revolution-第49章

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of the people; created by the Revolution and established by its

institutions; have exercised a profound influence。  The military

work of the conqueror was soon dissolved; but the revolutionary

principles which he contributed to propagate have survived him。



The various restorations which followed the Empire caused men at

first to become somewhat forgetful of the principles of the

Revolution。  For fifty years this propagation was far from rapid。 

One might almost have supposed that the people had forgotten

them。  Only a small number of theorists maintained their

influence。  Heirs to the ‘‘simplicist'' spirit of the Jacobins;

believing; like them; that societies can be remade from top to

bottom by the laws; and persuaded that the Empire had only

interrupted the task of revolution; they wished to resume it。



While waiting until they could recommence; they attempted to

spread the principles of the Revolution by means of their

writings。  Faithful imitators of the men of the Revolution; they

never stopped to ask if their schemes for reform were in

conformity with human nature。  They too were erecting a

chimerical society for an ideal man; and were persuaded that the

application of their dreams would regenerate the human species。



Deprived of all constructive power; the theorists of all the ages

have always been very ready to destroy。  Napoleon at St。 Helena

stated that ‘‘if there existed a monarchy of granite the

idealists and theorists would manage to reduce it to powder。''



Among the galaxy of dreamers such as Saint…Simon; Fourier; Pierre

Leroux; Louis Blanc; Quinet; &c。; we find that only Auguste Comte

understood that a transformation of manners and ideas must

precede political reorganisation。



Far from favouring the diffusion of democratic ideas; the

projects of reform of the theorists of this period merely impeded

their progress。  Communistic Socialism; which several of

them professed would restore the Revolution; finally alarmed the

bourgeoisie and even the working…classes。  We have already seen

that the fear of their ideas was one of the principal causes of

the restoration of the Empire。



If none of the chimerical lucubrations of the writers of the

first half of the nineteenth century deserve to be discussed; it

is none the less interesting to examine them in order to observe

the part played by religious and moral ideas which to…day are

regarded with contempt。  Persuaded that a new society could not;

any more than the societies of old; be built up without religious

and moral beliefs; the reformers were always endeavouring to

found such beliefs。



But on what could they be based?  Evidently on reason。  By means

of reason men create complicated machines: why not therefore a

religion and a morality; things which are apparently so simple? 

Not one of them suspected the fact that no religious or moral

belief ever had rational logic as its basis。  Auguste Comte saw

no more clearly。  We know that he founded a so…called positivist

religion; which still has a few followers。  Scientists were to

form a clergy directed by a new Pope; who was to replace the

Catholic Pope。



All these conceptionspolitical; religious; or moralhad; I

repeat; no other results for a long time than to turn the

multitude away from democratic principles。



If these principles did finally become widespread; it was not on

account of the theorists; but because new conditions of life had

arisen。  Thanks to the discoveries of science; industry developed

and led to the erection of immense factories。  Economic

necessities increasingly dominated the wills of Governments and

the people and finally created a favourable soil for the

extension of Socialism; and above all of Syndicalism; the modern

forms of democratic ideas。





2。  The Unequal Influence of the Three Fundamental Principles of

the Revolution。





The heritage of the Revolution is summed up in its entirety in

the one phraseLiberty; equality; and Fraternity。  The

principle of equality; as we have seen; has exerted a powerful

influence; but the two others did not share its lot。



Although the sense of these terms seems clear enough; they were

comprehended in very different fashions according to men and

times。  We know that the various interpretation of the same words

by persons of different mentality has been one of the most

frequent causes of the conflicts of history。



To the member of the Convention liberty signified merely the

exercise of its unlimited despotism。  To a young modern

‘‘intellectual'' the same word means a general release from

everything irksome: tradition; law; superiority; &c。  To the

modern Jacobin liberty consists especially in the right to

persecute his adversaries。



Although political orators still occasionally mention liberty in

their speeches; they have generally ceased to evoke fraternity。 

It is the conflict of the different classes and not their

alliance that they teach to…day。  Never did a more profound

hatred divide the various strata of society and the political

parties which lead them。



But while liberty has become very doubtful and fraternity has

completely vanished; the principle of equality has grown

unchecked。  It has been supreme in all the political upheavals of

which France has been the stage during the last century; and has

reached such a development that our political and social life;

our laws; manners; and customs are at least in theory based on

this principle。  It constitutes the real legacy of the

Revolution。  The craving for equality; not only before the law;

but in position and fortune; is the very pivot of the last

product of democracy:  Socialism。  This craving is so powerful

that it is spreading in all directions; although in contradiction

with all biological and economic laws。  It is a new phase of the

interrupted struggle of the sentiments against reason; in which

reason so rarely triumphs。





2。  The Democracy of the ‘‘Intellectuals'' and Popular Democracy。





All ideas that have hitherto caused an upheaval of the world of

men have been subject to two laws: they evolve slowly; and they

completely change their sense according to the mentalities in

which they find reception。



A doctrine may be compared to a living being。  It subsists only

by process of transformation。  The books are necessarily silent

upon these variations; so that the phase of things which they

establish belongs only to the past。  They do not reflect the

image of the living; but of the dead。  The written statement of a

doctrine often represents the most negligible side of that

doctrine。



I have shown in another work how institutions; arts; and

languages are modified in passing from one people to another; and

how the laws of these transformations differ from the truth as

stated in books。  I allude to this matter now merely to show why;

in examining the subject of democratic ideas; we occupy ourselves

so little with the text of doctrines; and seek only for the

psychological elements of which they constitute the vestment; and

the reactions which they provoke in the various categories of men

who have accepted them。



Modified rapidly by men of different mentalities; the original

theory is soon no more than a label which denotes something quite

unlike itself。



Applicable to religious beliefs; these principles are equally so

to political beliefs。  When a man speaks of democracy; for

example; must we inquire what this word means to various peoples;

and also whether in the same people there is not a great

difference between the democracy of the ‘‘intellectuals'' and

popular democracy。



In confining ourselves now to the consideration of this latter

point we shall readily perceive that the democratic ideas to be

found in books and journals are purely the theories of literary

people; of which the people know nothing; and by the application

of which they would have nothing to gain。  Although the working…

man possesses the theoretical right of passing the barriers which

separate him from the upper classes by a whole series of

competitions and examinations; his chance of reaching them is in

reality extremely slight。



The democracy of the lettered classes has no other object than to

set up a selection which shall recruit the directing classes

exclusively from themselves。  I should have nothing to say

against this if the selection were real。  It would then

constitute the application of the maxim of Napoleon:  ‘‘The true

method of government is to employ the aristocracy; but under the

forms of democracy。''



Unhappily the democracy of the ‘‘intellectuals'' would simply

lead to the substitution of the Divine right of kings by the

Divine right of a petty oligarchy; which is too often narrow and

tyrannical。  Liberty cannot be created by replacing a tyranny。



Popular democracy by no means aims at manufacturing rul
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