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ular and Douglas was resolutely evasive。 Lincoln again and again pressed Douglas to say whether he regarded slavery as wrong。 Douglas persistently declined the question on the pleat that it was one wholly foreign to national politics。 Each State had a right to decide for itself； and that right had been delegated to the Territories by the Compromise act of 1850 and again by the Kansas…Nebraska act of 1854。
〃I look forward；〃 he said； 〃to a time when each State shall be allowed to do as it pleases。 If it chooses to keep slavery forever； it is not my business； but its own； if it chooses to abolish slavery； it is its own business； not mine。 I care more for the great principle of self…government； the right of the people to rule； then I do for all the negroes in Christendom。 I would not endanger the perpetuity of this Union； I would not blot out the great inalienable rights of the white man； for all the negroes that ever existed。〃
Lincoln persistently pressed his argument： 〃When Douglas says he don't care whether slaver is voted up or voted down； he can thus argue logically if he don't see anything wrong in it； but he cannot say so logically if he admits that slavery is wrong。 He cannot say that the would as soon see a wrong voted up as voted down。 When he says that slave property and horse and hog property are alike to be allowed to go into the Territories upon the principle of equality； he is reasoning truly if there is no difference between them and property； but if the one is property held rightfully and the other is wrong； then there is no equality between the right and the wrong。 * * * That is the real issue。 That is the issue that will continue in this country when these poor tongues of Judge Douglas and myself shall be silent。 It is the eternal struggle between these two principles that have stood face to face from the beginning of time and will ever continue to struggle。 The one is the common right of humanity and the other the divine right of kings。 It is the same principle in whatever shape it develops。 It is the same spirit that says； 'you work and toil and earn bread； and I'll eat it。' No matter in what shape it comes； whether from the mouth of a king who seeks to bestride the people of his own nation and live by the fruit of their labor or from one race of men as an apology for enslaving another race； it is the same tyrannical principle。〃
In the Quincy debate； and again in the last debate at Alton； Douglas； with great skill； took up the attack made upon him by the Buchanan Administration because of his alleged heresies on the Kansas question。 The Washington Union in an editorial had condemned his Freeport declaration that the people could by their unfriendly attitude exclude slavery from a Territory。 It argued that his plan was to exclude it by means of his device of popular sovereignty and declared that he was not a sound Democrat and had not been since 1850。 He quoted from Buchanan's letter accepting the nomination； in which he warmly applauded those 〃principles as ancient as free government itself * * * in accordance with which * * * * the people of a Territory； like those of a State； shall decide for themselves whether slavery shall or shall not exist within their limits。〃
He also quoted in vindication of the soundness of his Democracy a speech of Jefferson Davis declaring that； if the inhabitants of a Territory should refuse to enact laws to protect and encourage slavery； the insecurity would be so great that the owner could not hold his slaves。
〃Therefore；〃 said Davis； 〃though the right would remain； the remedy being withheld； it would follow that the owner would be practically debarred from taking slave property into a Territory when the sense of its inhabitants was opposed to its introduction。〃
These latter arguments were addressed to the Administration Democrats； who； however； proved a quite unimportant factor in the campaign。 They were an utter negation politically。 Were it an academic problem； much could be said in their defense。 In a time of stormy passion； they were passionless。 In a time of fanatical convictions and intolerant opinions； they were coldly neutral； appealing with impotent pride to the traditions and precedents of the past。
The election was held on the 2nd of November。 The Republicans elected their State ticket by a popularity of nearly 4；000； but lost the legislature。 When that body met Douglas was again chose Senator。
Chapter XVI。 The South Rejects Popular Sovereignty。
Although victorious in the greatest battle of his life the position of Douglas was not easy。 The people of Illinois were evidently no longer in sympathy with him。 The Buchanan Administration and the Southern extremists had openly declared war on him for his cool indifference to the special interests of the South； his carelessness whether slavery was voted up or voted down in the Territories； and his hostility to their plans for planting it in Kansas。 He was preparing for his last struggle for the Presidency。 Having won this doubtful victory at home； he decided to make a tour of the South in the hope of stimulating its waning enthusiasm。 In order to hold the Senatorship it had been necessary to please Illinois； even though the South were alienated。 In order to win the Presidency he now resolved to satisfy the South； even though he offended Illinois。 Moreover； being at war with the Administration； he hoped to return to Washington with the prestige of a re…election and a great Southern ovation。 He intended to force Buchanan and his Cabinet to sue for peace。 He was political strategist enough to understand the importance of a bold front and an imposing display of power at the outset of his next campaign。
He took boat at St。 Louis for New Orleans and enjoyed the leisurely autumn trip down the River。 He spoke at Memphis on November 29th； and at New Orleans on December 6th。 He sailed to Havana and thence to New York； where he received a royal welcome。 On reaching Philadelphia he was formally welcomed at Independence Hall。 He then went to Baltimore and spoke in Monument Square on the evening of January 5th； returning to Washington next day。 On the 10th he resumed his seat in the Senate。
He had told the people of Illinois that； in spite of the Constitution； the Supreme Court； the President and Congress； it was within the power of the inhabitants of a Territory to prohibit slavery by their unfriendly attitude。 This doctrine was utterly abhorrent to the South； which now rested its entire case on the judicial interpretation of the Constitution and regarded all attempts to evade the full force of the Dred Scott decision as little less than treason。 The net result of the struggles of a decade had been the establishment of a principle that the Constitution carried slavery with it wherever it went。 To lightly treat the Constitution as a thing that could be quietly defied and annulled by the squatters； was to strip their great victory of all value and snatch from them the fruit of their labors。 Had this doctrine of local nullification been sound； it was not to be expected that it would be received with enthusiasm or even with patience by men whose dearest hopes it must obviously defeat and whose subtle art and long protracted labors it utterly thwarted。 But that daring sophism which attacked the very foundation of all legal authority； did violence to every sound principle of philosophy； and was utterly subversive of the peculiar and cherished doctrines of the South； should have been resorted to by Douglas to avoid defeat in Illinois； was viewed as a shameless outrage。 It was believed that he had sacrificed their sacred cause in order to avoid a local reverse； that his seat in the Senate was dearer to him than their most valued interests。
It was probable that in his eagerness to win the Illinois campaign he had not considered seriously the irreconcilable repugnance of his distinctive dogma to the compact body of Southern political philosophy。 It was now necessary to present it to the South in such dress that it might； if possible； gain acceptance； at least that it might not shock the deepest prejudices of that section。
In addressing his Southern audiences he attempted to take the sting out of his obnoxious doctrine by showing that it was entirely harmless。 The people of the Territories； he said； doubtless had the practical power； in spite of the Constitution； statutes and decisions； to exclude slavery by their unfriendly attitude toward it。 But what would determine their attitude？ Clearly their selfish interests。 If slavery would be profitable； their attitude would be friendly and it would take root and flourish under the protection of the law。 If by reason of soil or climate it would be unprofitable； their attitude would be unfriendly and neither laws nor Constitutions could successfully foster it。 But it could not injure the South to exclude slavery from regions where it could only be maintained at a loss。 It was not a question of ethics； but purely of physical geography。 Where soil and climate rendered it profitable； it would spring up in precisely the same way as pine trees or maize。
But it was clear to his keen eye that these feats of ingenui