按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！
opinion； to which we give the name of divine right； is to fall into
an historical error quite as gross as attributing to Atreus the
courting of the populace （＇Greek text which cannot be reproduced＇）
with a view to the Mycenean throne。
The general method of historical criticism pursued by Thucydides
having been thus indicated； it remains to proceed more into detail
as regards those particular points where he claims for himself a
more rational method of estimating evidence than either the public
or his predecessors possessed。
'So little pains；' he remarks； 'do the vulgar take in the
investigation of truth； satisfied with their preconceived
opinions；' that the majority of the Greeks believe in a Pitanate
cohort of the Spartan army and in a double vote being the
prerogative of the Spartan kings； neither of which opinions has any
foundation in fact。 But the chief point on which he lays stress as
evincing the 'uncritical way with which men receive legends； even
the legends of their own country；' is the entire baselessness of
the common Athenian tradition in which Harmodios and Aristogeiton
were represented as the patriotic liberators of Athens from the
Peisistratid tyranny。 So far； he points out； from the love of
freedom being their motive； both of them were influenced by merely
personal considerations； Aristogeiton being jealous of Hipparchos'
attention to Harmodios； then a beautiful boy in the flower of Greek
loveliness； while the latter's indignation was aroused by an insult
offered to his sister by the prince。
Their motives； then； were personal revenge； while the result of
their conspiracy served only to rivet more tightly the chains of
servitude which bound Athens to the Peisistratid house； for
Hipparchos； whom they killed； was only the tyrant's younger
brother； and not the tyrant himself。
To prove his theory that Hippias was the elder； he appeals to the
evidence afforded by a public inscription in which his name occurs
immediately after that of his father； a point which he thinks shows
that he was the eldest； and so the heir。 This view he further
corroborates by another inscription； on the altar of Apollo； which
mentions the children of Hippias and not those of his brothers；
'for it was natural for the eldest to be married first'； and
besides this； on the score of general probability he points out
that； had Hippias been the younger； he would not have so easily
obtained the tyranny on the death of Hipparchos。
Now； what is important in Thucydides； as evinced in the treatment
of legend generally； is not the results he arrived at； but the
method by which he works。 The first great rationalistic historian；
he may be said to have paved the way for all those who followed
after him； though it must always be remembered that； while the
total absence in his pages of all the mystical paraphernalia of the
supernatural theory of life is an advance in the progress of
rationalism； and an era in scientific history； whose importance
could never be over…estimated； yet we find along with it a total
absence of any mention of those various social and economical
forces which form such important factors in the evolution of the
world； and to which Herodotus rightly gave great prominence in his
immortal work。 The history of Thucydides is essentially one…sided
and incomplete。 The intricate details of sieges and battles；
subjects with which the historian proper has really nothing to do
except so far as they may throw light on the spirit of the age； we
would readily exchange for some notice of the condition of private
society in Athens； or the influence and position of women。
There is an advance in the method of historical criticism； there is
an advance in the conception and motive of history itself； for in
Thucydides we may discern that natural reaction against the
intrusion of didactic and theological considerations into the
sphere of the pure intellect； the spirit of which may be found in
the Euripidean treatment of tragedy and the later schools of art；
as well as in the Platonic conception of science。
History； no doubt； has splendid lessons for our instruction； just
as all good art comes to us as the herald of the noblest truth。
But； to set before either the painter or the historian the
inculcation of moral lessons as an aim to be consciously pursued；
is to miss entirely the true motive and characteristic both of art
and history； which is in the one case the creation of beauty； in
the other the discovery of the laws of the evolution of progress：
IL NE FAUT DEMANDER DE L'ART QUE L'ART； DU PASSE QUE LE PASSE。
Herodotus wrote to illustrate the wonderful ways of Providence and
the nemesis that falls on sin； and his work is a good example of
the truth that nothing can dispense with criticism so much as a
moral aim。 Thucydides has no creed to preach； no doctrine to
prove。 He analyses the results which follow inevitably from
certain antecedents； in order that on a recurrence of the same
crisis men may know how to act。
His object was to discover the laws of the past so as to serve as a
light to illumine the future。 We must not confuse the recognition
of the utility of history with any ideas of a didactic aim。 Two
points more in Thucydides remain for our consideration： his
treatment of the rise of Greek civilisation； and of the primitive
condition of Hellas； as well as the question how far can he be said
really to have recognised the existence of laws regulating the
complex phenomena of life。
CHAPTER III
THE investigation into the two great problems of the origin of
society and the philosophy of history occupies such an important
position in the evolution of Greek thought that； to obtain any
clear view of the workings of the critical spirit； it will be
necessary to trace at some length their rise and scientific
development as evinced not merely in the works of historians
proper； but also in the philosophical treatises of Plato and
Aristotle。 The important position which these two great thinkers
occupy in the progress of historical criticism can hardly be over…
estimated。 I do not mean merely as regards their treatment of the
Greek Bible； and Plato's endeavours to purge sacred history of its
immorality by the application of ethical canons at the time when
Aristotle was beginning to undermine the basis of miracles by his
scientific conception of law； but with reference to these two wider
questions of the rise of civil institutions and the philosophy of
history。
And first； as regards the current theories of the primitive
condition of society； there was a wide divergence of opinion in
Hellenic society； just as there is now。 For while the majority of
the orthodox public； of whom Hesiod may be taken as the
representative； looked back； as a great many of our own day still
do； to a fabulous age of innocent happiness； a BELL' ETE DELL'
AURO； where sin and death were unknown and men and women were like
Gods； the foremost men of intellect such as Aristotle and Plato；
AEschylus and many of the other poets （1） saw in primitive man 'a
few small sparks of humanity preserved on the tops of mountains
after some deluge；' 'without an idea of cities； governments or
legislation；' 'living the lives of wild beasts in sunless caves；'
'their only law being the survival of the fittest。'
And this； too； was the opinion of Thucydides； whose ARCHAEOLOGIA as
it is contains a most valuable disquisition on the early condition
of Hellas； which it will be necessary to examine at some length。
Now； as regards the means employed generally by Thucydides for the
elucidation of ancient history； I have already pointed out how
that； while acknowledging that 'it is the tendency of every poet to
exaggerate； as it is of every chronicler to seek to be attractive
at the expense of truth； he yet assumes in the thoroughly
euhemeristic way； that under the veil of myth and legend there does
yet exist a rational basis of fact discoverable by the method of
rejecting all supernatural interference as well as any
extraordinary motives influencing the actors。 It is in complete
accordance with this spirit that he appeals； for instance； to the
Homeric epithet of ＇Greek text which cannot be reproduced＇； as
applied to Corinth； as a proof of the early commercial prosperity
of that city； to the fact of the generic name HELLENES not
occurring in the ILIAD as a corroboration of his theory of the
essentially disunited character of the primitive Greek tribes； and
he argues from the line 'O'er many islands and all Argos ruled；' as
applied to Agamemnon； that his forces must have been partially
naval； 'for Agamemnon's was a continental power； and he could not
have been master of any but the adjacent islands； and these would
not be many but through the possession of a fleet。'
Anticipating in some measure the comparative method of researc