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These are circumstances which demand our attention； and point out
the necessity of naval protection。
Some； perhaps； will say； that after we have made it up Britain；
she will protect us。 Can we be so unwise as to mean；
that she shall keep a navy in our harbours for that purpose？
Common sense will tell us； that the power which hath endeavoured
to subdue us； is of all others the most improper to defend us。
Conquest may be effected under the pretence of friendship；
and ourselves after a long and brave resistance； be at last cheated
into slavery。 And if her ships are not to be admitted into our harbours；
I would ask； how is she to protect us？ A navy three or four thousand miles
off can be of little use； and on sudden emergencies； none at all。
Wherefore； if we must hereafter protect ourselves； why not do it for ourselves？
The English list of ships of war； is long and formidable； but not
a tenth part of them are at any one time fit for service； numbers of them
not in being； yet their names are pompously continued in the list；
f only a plank be left of the ship： and not a fifth part of such as are
fit for service； can be spared on any one station at one time。
The East and West Indies； Mediterranean； Africa； and other parts
over which Britain extends her claim； make large demands upon her navy。
From a mixture of prejudice and inattention； we have contracted a false
notion respecting the navy of England； and have talked as if we should
have the whole of it to encounter at once； and for that reason； supposed；
that we must have one as large； which not being instantly practicable；
have been made use of by a set of disguised Tories to discourage
our beginning thereon。 Nothing can be farther from truth than this；
for if America had only a twentieth part of the naval force of Britain；
she would be by far an overmatch for her； because； as we neither have；
nor claim any foreign dominion； our whole force would be employed on
our own coast； where we should； in the long run； have two to one the advantage
of those who had three or four thousand miles to sail over；
before they could attack us； and the same distance to return
in order to refit and recruit。 And although Britain； by her fleet；
hath a check over our trade to Europe； we have as large a one over her trade
to the West Indies； which； by laying in the neighbourhood of the continent；
is entirely at its mercy。
Some method might be fallen on to keep up a naval force in time of peace；
if we should not judge it necessary to support a constant navy。
If premiums were to be given to merchants； to build and employ in their
service ships mounted with twenty； thirty； forty or fifty guns；
（the premiums to be in proportion to the loss of bulk to the merchants）
fifty or sixty of those ships； with a few guardships on constant duty；
would keep up a sufficient navy； and that without burdening ourselves
with the evil so loudly complained of in England； of suffering their fleet；
in time of peace to lie rotting in the docks。 To unite the sinews
of commerce and defense is sound policy； for when our strength
and our riches play into each other's hand； we need fear no external enemy。
In almost every article of defense we abound。 Hemp flourishes even
to rankness； so that we need not want cordage。 Our iron is superior
to that of other countries。 Our small arms equal to any in the world。
Cannon we can cast at pleasure。 Saltpetre and gunpowder we are every
day producing。 Our knowledge is hourly improving。 Resolution is our
inherent character； and courage hath never yet forsaken us。 Wherefore；
what is it that we want？ Why is it that we hesitate？ From Britain we can
expect nothing but ruin。 If she is once admitted to the government
of America again； this Continent will not be worth living in。
Jealousies will be always arising； insurrections will be constantly happening；
and who will go forth to quell them？ Who will venture his life to reduce his
own countrymen to a foreign obedience？ The difference between Pennsylvania
and Connecticut； respecting some unlocated lands； shews the insignificance
of a British government； and fully proves； that nothing but Continental
authority can regulate Continental matters。
Another reason why the present time is preferable to all others； is；
that the fewer our numbers are； the more land there is yet unoccupied；
which instead of being lavished by the king on his worthless dependants；
may be hereafter applied； not only to the discharge of the present debt；
but to the constant support of government。 No nation under heaven hath
such an advantage at this。
The infant state of the Colonies； as it is called； so far
from being against； is an argument in favour of independance。
We are sufficiently numerous； and were we more so； we might be less united。
It is a matter worthy of observation； that the mare a country is peopled；
the smaller their armies are。 In military numbers； the ancients far exceeded
the modems： and the reason is evident。 for trade being the consequence
of population； men become too much absorbed thereby to attend to
anything else。 Commerce diminishes the spirit； both of patriotism
and military defence。 And history sufficiently informs us； that the
bravest achievements were always accomplished in the non…age of a nation。
With the increase of commerce； England hath lost its spirit。 The city
of London； notwithstanding its numbers； submits to continued insults
with the patience of a coward。 The more men have to lose； the less willing
are they to venture。 The rich are in general slaves to fear； and submit
to courtly power with the trembling duplicity of a Spaniel。
Youth is the seed time of good habits； as well in nations as in individuals。
It might be difficult； if not impossible； to form the Continent into one
government half a century hence。 The vast variety of interests；
occasioned by an increase of trade and population； would create confusion。
Colony would be against colony。 Each being able might scorn each other's
assistance： and while the proud and foolish gloried in their little
distinctions； the wise would lament； that the union had not been formed before。
Wherefore； the PRESENT TIME is the TRUE TIME for establishing it。
The intimacy which is contracted in infancy； and the friendship which
is formed in misfortune； are； of all others； the most lasting and unalterable。
Our present union is marked with both these characters： we are young
and we have been distressed； but our concord hath withstood our troubles；
and fixes a memorable are for posterity to glory in。
The present time； likewise； is that peculiar time； which never happens
to a nation but once； viz。 the time of forming itself into a government。
Most nations have let slip the opportunity； and by that means have been
compelled to receive laws from their conquerors； instead of making laws
for themselves。 First； they had a king； and then a form of government；
whereas； the articles or charter of government； should be formed first；
and men delegated to execute them afterward but from the errors of other
nations； let us learn wisdom； and lay hold of the present opportunity
TO BEGIN GOVERNMENT AT THE RIGHT END。
When William the Conqueror subdued England； he gave them law at the
point of the sword； and until we consent； that the seat of government；
in America； be legally and authoritatively occupied； we shall be in
danger of having it filled by some fortunate ruffian； who may treat us
in the same manner； and then； where will be our freedom？ where our property？
As to religion； I hold it to be the indispensable duty of all government；
to protect all conscientious professors thereof； and I know of no other
business which government hath to do therewith； Let a man throw aside
that narrowness of soul； that selfishness of principle； which the niggards
of all professions are willing to part with； and he will be at delivered
of his fears on that head。 Suspicion is the companion of mean souls；
and the bane of all good society。 For myself； I fully and conscientiously
believe； that it is the will of the Almighty； that there should be diversity
of religious opinions among us： It affords a larger field for our Christian
kindness。 Were we all of one way of thinking； our religious dispositions
would want matter for probation； and on this liberal principle； I look
on the various denominations among us； to be like children of the same family；
differing only； in what is called； their Christian names。
In page forty； I threw out a few thoughts on the propriety of a
Continental Charter； （for I only presume to offer hints； not plans）
and in this place； I take the liberty of rementioning the subject；
by observing； that a charter is to be understood as a bond
of solemn obligation； which the whole enters into；
to support the right of every separate part；
whether of religion； personal freedom； or property。
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