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the coherence； denote as barbarous as a Thracian； or somewhat
like it； but what it properly signifies is not known。
（41） Spanheim takes notice that this Antiochus Dionysus ＇the
brother of Philip； and of Demetrius Eucerus； and of two otbsrs＇
was the fifth son of Antiochus Grypus； and that he is styled on
the coins； 〃Antiochus； Epiphanes； Dionysus。〃
（42） This Aretas was the first king of the Arabians who took
Damascus； and reigned there； which name became afterwards common
to such Arabian kings； both at Petra and at Damascus； as we learn
from Josephus in many places； and from St。 Paul； 2 Corinthians
11：32。 See the note on Antiq。 B。 XVI。 ch。 9。 sect。 4。
（43） We may here and elsewhere take notice； that whatever
countries or cities the Asamoneans conquered from any of the
neighboring nations； or whatever countries or cities they gained
from them that had not belonged to them before； they； after the
days of Hyrcanus； compelled the inhabitants to leave their
idolatry； and entirely to receive the law of Moses； as proselytes
of justice； or else banished them into other lands。 That
excellent prince； John Hyrcanus； did it to the Idumeans； as I
have noted on ch。 9。 sect。 1； already； who lived then in the
Promised Land； and this I suppose justly； but by what right the
rest did it； even to the countries or cities that were no part of
that land； I do not at all know。 This looks too like unjust
persecution for religion。
（44） It seems； by this dying advice of Alexander Janneus to his
wife； that he had himself pursued the measures of his father
Hyrcanus。 and taken part with the Sadducees； who kept close to
the written law； against the Pharisees； who had introduced their
own traditions； ch。 16。 sect。 2； and that he now saw a political
necessity of submitting to the Pharisees and their traditions
hereafter； if his widow and family minded to retain their
monarchical government or tyranny over the Jewish nation； which
sect yet； thus supported； were at last in a great measure the
ruin of the religion； government； and nation of the Jews； and
brought them into so wicked a state； that the vengeance of God
came upon them to their utter excision。 Just thus did Caiaphas
politically advise the Jewish sanhedrim； John 11：50； 〃That it was
expedient for them that one man should die for the people； and
that the whole nation perish not；〃 and this in consequence of
their own political supposal； ver。 48； that； 〃If they let Jesus
alone；〃 with his miracles； 〃all men would believe on him； and the
Romans would come and take away both their place and nation。〃
Which political crucifixion of Jesus of Nazareth brought down the
vengeance of God upon them； and occasioned those very Romans； of
whom they seemed so much afraid； that to prevent it they put him
to death； actually to 〃come and take away both their place and
nation〃 within thirty…eight years afterwards。 I heartily wish the
politicians of Christendom would consider these and the like
examples； and no longer sacrifice all virtue and religion to
their pernicious schemes of government； to the bringing down the
judgments of God upon themselves； and the several nations
intrusted to their care。 But this is a digression。 I wish it were
an unseasonable one also。 Josephus himself several times makes
such digressions； and I here venture to follow him。 See one of
them at the conclusion of the very next chapter。
（45） The number of five hundred thousand or even three hundred
thousand； as one Greek copy； with the Latin copies； have it； for
Tigranes's army； that came out of Armenia into Syria and Judea；
seems much too large。 We have had already several such
extravagant numbers in Josephus's present copies； which are not
to he at all ascribed to him。 Accordingly； I incline to Dr。
Hudson's emendation here； which supposes them but forty thousand。
（46） This fortress； castle； citadel； or tower； whither the wife
and children of Aristobulus were new sent； and which overlooked
the temple； could be no other than what Hyrcanus I。 built；
（Antiq。 B。 XVIII ch。 4。 sect。 3；） and Herod the Great rebuilt；
and called the 〃Tower of Antonia；〃 Aatiq。 B。 XV。 ch。 11。 sect。 5。
BOOK 14 FOOTNOTES
（1） Reland takes notice here； very justly； how Josephus's
declaration； that it was his great concern not only to write 〃an
agreeable； an accurate；〃 and 〃a true〃 history； but also
distinctly not to omit any thing ＇of consequence＇； either through
〃ignorance or laziness；〃 implies that he could not； consistently
with that resolution； omit the mention of ＇so famous a person as＇
〃Jesus Christ。〃
（2） That the famous Antipater's or Antipas's father was also
Antipater or Antipas （which two may justly be esteemed one and
the same frame； the former with a Greek or Gentile； the latter
with a Hebrew or Jewish termination） Josephus here assures us；
though Eusebias indeed says it was Herod。
（3） This 〃golden vine；〃 or 〃garden；〃 seen by Strabo at Rome； has
its inscription here as if it were the gift of Alexander； the
father of Aristobulus； and not of Aristobulus himself； to whom
yet Josephus ascribes it； and in order to prove the truth of that
part of his history； introduces this testimony of Strabo； so that
the ordinary copies seem to be here either erroneous or
defective； and the original reading seems to have been either
Aristobulus； instead of Alexander； with one Greek copy； or else
〃Aristobulus the son of Alexander；〃 with the Latin copies； which
last seems to me the most probable。 For as to Archbishop Usher's
conjectures； that Alexander made it； and dedicated it to God in
the temple； and that thence Aristobulus took it； and sent it to
Pompey； they are both very improbable； and no way agreeable to
Josephus； who would hardly have avoided the recording both these
uncommon points of history； had he known any thing of them； nor
would either the Jewish nation； or even Pompey himself； then have
relished such a flagrant instance of sacrilege。
（4） These express testimonies of Josephus here； and Antiq。 B。
VIII。 ch。 6。 sect。 6； and B。 XV。 ch。 4。 sect。 2； that the only
balsam gardens； and the best palm trees； were； at least in his
days； near Jericho and Kugaddi； about the north part of the Dead
Sea； （whereabout also Alexander the Great saw the balsam drop；）
show the mistake of those that understand Eusebius and Jerom as
if one of those gardens were at the south part of that sea； at
Zoar or Segor； whereas they must either mean another Zoar or
Segor； which was between Jericho and Kugaddi； agreeably to
Josephus： which yet they do not appear to do； or else they
directly contradict Josephus； and were therein greatly mistaken：
I mean this； unless that balsam； and the best palm trees； grew
much more southward in Judea in the days of Eusebius and Jerom
than they did in the days of Josephus。
（5） The particular depth and breadth of this ditch； whence the
stones for the wall about the temple were probably taken； are
omitted in our copies of Josephus； but set down by Strabo； B。
XVI。 p。 763； from whom we learn that this ditch was sixty feet
deep； and two hundred and fifty feet broad。 However； its depth
is； in the next section； said by Josephus to be immense； which
exactly agrees to Strabo's description； and which numbers in
Strabo are a strong confirmation of the truth of Josephus's
description also。
（6） That is； on the 23rd of Sivan； the annual fast for the
defection and idolatry of Jeroboam； 〃who made Israel to sin；〃 or
possibly some other fast might fall into that month； before and
in the days of Josephus。
（7） It deserves here to be noted； that this Pharisaical；
superstitious notion； that offensive fighting was unlawful to
Jews； even under the utmost necessity； on the Sabbath day； of
which we hear nothing before the times of the Maccabees； was the
proper occasion of Jerusalem's being taken by Pompey； by Sosius；
and by Titus； as appears from the places already quoted in the
note on Antiq。 B。 XIII。 ch。 8。 sect。 1； which scrupulous
superstition； as to the observation of such a rigorous rest upon
the Sabbath day； our Savior always opposed； when the Pharisaical
Jews insisted on it； as is evident in many places in the New
Testament； though he still intimated how pernicious that
superstition might prove to them in their flight from the Romans；
Matthew 25：20。
（8） This is fully confirmed by the testimony of Cicero； who：
says； in his oration for Flaecus； that 〃Cneius Pompeius； when he
was conqueror； and had taken Jerusalem； did not touch any thing
belonging to that temple。〃
（9） Of this destruction of Gadara here presupposed； and its
restoration by Pompey； see the note on the War； B。 I。 ch。 7。
sect。 7。
（10） Dean Prideaux well observes； 〃That notwithstanding the
clamor against Gabinius at Rome； Josephus gives him a able
character； as if he had acquitted himself with honor in the
charge committed to him〃 ＇in Judea＇。 See at the year 55。
（11） This history is best illustrated by Dr。 Hudson out of Livy；
who says that 〃A。 Gabinius； the proconsul； restored Ptolemy of
Pompey and Gabinius against the Jews； while neither of them say
any thing new which is not in the other to his kingdom of Egypt；
and ejected Archelaus； whom they had set up for ki