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characterized the measures afterward adopted by Congress in opposition to his well…known wishes and views； and； also； as an important incident to the history of that controversy and of the time； and its bearing upon the frictions that followed between Congress and Mr。 Lincoln's successor on that subject。 Mr。 Lincoln said：
When Congress assembled a year ago the war had already lasted twenty months； and there had been many conflicts on both land and sea； with varying results。 The rebellion had been pressed back into reduced limits； yet the tone of public feeling and opinion； at home and abroad； was not satisfactory。 With other signs； the popular elections； then just past； indicated uneasiness among ourselves； while； amid much that was cold and menacing； the kindest words coming from Europe were uttered in accents of pity that we were too blind to surrender a hopeless cause。 Our commerce was suffering greatly by a few armed vessels built upon and furnished from foreign shores； and we were threatened with such additions from the same quarter as would sweep our trade from the sea and raise our blockade。 We had failed to elicit from European Governments anything hopeful upon this subject。 The preliminary Emancipation Proclamation； issued in September； was running its assigned period to the beginning of the new year。 A month later that final proclamation came； including the announcement that colored men of suitable condition would be received into the army service。 The policy of emancipation； and of employing black soldiers； gave to the future a new aspect； about which hope and fear and doubt contended in uncertain conflict。 According to our political system； as a matter of civil administration； the General Government had no lawful power to effect emancipation in any State； and for a long time it had been hoped that the rebellion could be suppressed without resorting to it as a military measure。 It was all the while deemed possible that the necessity for it might come； and that； if it should； the crisis of the contest would then be presented。 It came； and； as was anticipated； was followed by dark and doubtful days。 Eleven months have now passed； and we are permitted to take another review。 The rebel borders are pressed still further back； and by the complete opening of the Mississippi the country dominated by the rebellion is divided into distinct parts； with no practical communication between them。 Tennessee and Arkansas have been substantially cleared of insurgent control； and influential citizens in each； owners of slaves and advocates of slavery at the beginning of the rebellion； now declare openly for emancipation in their respective States。 Of those States not included in the Emancipation Proclamation； Maryland and Missouri； neither of which three years ago would tolerate any restraint upon the extension of slavery into the new Territories； only dispute now as to the best mode of removing it within their own limits。
Of those who were slaves at the beginning of the rebellion； full one hundred thousand are now in the United States military service； about one half of which number actually bear arms in the ranks； thus giving the double advantage of taking so much labor from the insurgent cause； and supplying the places which must otherwise be filled with so many white men。 So far as tested； it is difficult to say they are not as good soldiers as any。 No servile insurrection； or tendency to violence or cruelty； has marked the measure of emancipation and arming the blacks。 Those measures have been discussed in foreign countries； and contemporary with such discussion the tone of sentiment there is much improved。 At home the same measures have been fully discussed； and supported； criticised； and denounced； and the annual elections following are highly encouraging to those whose official duty it is to bear the country through this great trial。 Thus we have the new reckoning。 The crisis which threatened to divide the friends of the Union is past。
Looking now to the present； and future； and with reference to a resumption of national authority within the States wherein that authority has been suspended； I have thought fit to issue a Proclamation； a copy of which is herewith transmitted。 On examination of this Proclamation it will appear； as is believed； that nothing is attempted beyond what is amply justified by the Constitution。 True； the form of an oath is given； but no man is coerced to take it。 The man is only promised a pardon in case he voluntarily takes the oath。 The Constitution authorizes the Executive to grant or withhold the pardon at his own absolute discretion； and this includes the power to grant on terms； as is fully established by judicial and other authorities。
It is also proffered that； if in any of the States named a State Government shall be； in the mode prescribed； set up； such Government shall be recognized and guaranteed by the United States； and that under it the State shall； on the constitutional conditions； be protected against invasion and domestic violence。 The constitutional obligation of the United States to guarantee to every State in the Union a republican form of government； and to protect the State； in the cases stated； is explicit and full。 But why tender the benefits of this provision only to a State Government set up in this particular way？ This section contemplates a case wherein the element within a State favorable to a republican government； in the Union； may be too feeble for an opposite and hostile external to or even within the State； and such are precisely the cases with which we are dealing。
Any attempt to guaranty and protect a revived State Government； constituted in whole； or in preponderating part； from the very element against whose hostility it is to be protected； is simply absurd。 There must be a test by which to separate the opposing elements； so as to build only from the sound； and that test is a sufficiently liberal one which accepts as sound whoever will make a sworn recantation of his former unsoundness。
But if it be proper to require； as a test of admission to the political body； an oath of allegiance to the Constitution of the United States； and to the Union under it； why also to the laws and Proclamation in regard to slavery？ Those laws and Proclamations were enacted and put forth for the purpose of aiding in the suppression of the rebellion。 To give them their fullest effect； there had to be a pledgefor their maintenance。 In my judgment they have aided； and will further aid； the cause for which they were intended。 To now abandon them would be not only to relinquish a lever of power； but would also be a cruel and an astounding breach of faith。 I may add at this point； that while I remain in my present position； I shall not attempt to retract or modify the Emancipation Proclamation； nor shall I return to slavery any person who is free by the terms of the Proclamation； or by any of the acts of Congress。 For these and other reasons it is thought best that support of these measures shall be included in the oath； and it is believed the Executive may lawfully claim it in return for pardon and restoration of forfeited rights； when he has clear constitutional power to withhold altogether or grant upon terms which he shall deem wisest for the public interest。 It should be observed； also； that this part of the oath is subject to the modifying and abrogating power of legislation and supreme judicial decision。
The proposed acquiescence of the National Executive in any reasonable temporary State arrangement for the freed people is made with the view of possibly modifying the confusion and destitution which must； at best； attend all classes by a total revolution of labor throughout whole States。 It is hoped that the already deeply afflicted people of those States may be somewhat more ready to give up the cause of their affliction； if； to this extent； this vital matter be left to themselves； while no power of the National Executive to prevent an abuse is abridged by the proposition。
The suggestion in the Proclamation as to maintaining the political frame…work of those States on what is called reconstruction； is made in the hope that it may do good without danger of harm。 It will save labor and avoid great confusion。
But why any proclamation on this subject？ This question is beset with the conflicting views that the step might be delayed too long or taken too soon。 In some States the elements for resumption seem ready for action； but remain inactive apparently for want of a rallying point。 Why shall A。 adopt the plan of B。； rather than B。 that of A。？ And if A。 and B。 should agree； how can they know but that the General Government here will reject their plan？ By the Proclamation a plan is presented which may be accepted by them as a rallying point； and which they may be assured in advance will not be rejected here。 This may bring them to act sooner than they otherwise would。
The objection to a premature presentation of a plan by the National Executive consists in the danger of committals on points which could be more safely left to further developments。 Care has been taken to so shape the document as to avoid embarrassment from this source。 Saying that； on certain terms； certain